"Atoms for Peace"
英语课
Madam President and* Members of the General Assembly:
When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset 1 our world.
During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.
At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber 2 years have already realized part of those hopes.
But the great tests and the great accomplishments 3 still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast 4 in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting 5 peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being 6 for all men.
Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke 7 those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious 9 platitudes 10.
I therefore decided 11 that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative 12 and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.
I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.
Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled 13 to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare 14.
The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.
My recital 15 of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.
On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.
Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.
Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.
A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo 16 exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable 17. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.
In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine 18 Corps 19 are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread 20 secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.
In the first place, the secret is possessed 21 by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.
The secret is also known by the Soviet 22 Union.
The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted 23 extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.
Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative 24 advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.
First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.
Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability 25 of devastating 26 retaliation 27, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll 28 of human lives that would be inflicted 30 by surprise aggression 31. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked 32 on a large program of warning and defense 33 systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure 34 of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous 35 damage.
Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute 36. But for me to say that the defense capabilities 37 of the United States are such that they could inflict 29 terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.
To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed 38 malevolently 39 to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation 40 of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery 41 toward decency 42, and right, and justice. Surely no sane 43 member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.
Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation 44 and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.
It is with the book of history, and not with isolated 45 pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive 46, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.
So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber 47 of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.
In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation 48 cannot be attained 49 by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.
The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun 51 the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.
Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously 52 put forward. As you already know from our joint 53 Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly 54 to meet with the Soviet Union.
The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity 55. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible 56 results towards peace, the only true way of lessening 57 international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle 58 in friendly and fruitful relationship.
On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate 59 a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.
Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious 60 family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil 61 and strife 62 and misery 63 of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.
These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation 64. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy 65 peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.
But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration 66 of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.
In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”
The United States, heeding 67 the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately 68 with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.
The United States would seek more than the mere 8 reduction or elimination 69 of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.
The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon 70, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?
To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:
The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence 71, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis 72 of the United Nations.
The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.
The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting 73 in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable 74 or ungenerous associate.
Undoubtedly 75, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue 76 that it can be undertaken without the irritations 77 and mutual 50 suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection 78 and control.
The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity 79 of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially 80 immune to surprise seizure 81.
The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated 82 to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.
The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.
Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation 83 into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations 84 first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia 85 imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.
Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.
The coming months will be fraught 86 with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.
To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma 87 -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous 88 inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated 89 to his death, but consecrated 90 to his life.
I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting 91 me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously 92.
Thank you.
When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset 1 our world.
During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.
At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber 2 years have already realized part of those hopes.
But the great tests and the great accomplishments 3 still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast 4 in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting 5 peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being 6 for all men.
Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke 7 those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious 9 platitudes 10.
I therefore decided 11 that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative 12 and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.
I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.
Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled 13 to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare 14.
The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.
My recital 15 of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.
On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.
Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.
Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.
A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo 16 exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable 17. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.
In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine 18 Corps 19 are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread 20 secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.
In the first place, the secret is possessed 21 by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.
The secret is also known by the Soviet 22 Union.
The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted 23 extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.
Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative 24 advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.
First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.
Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability 25 of devastating 26 retaliation 27, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll 28 of human lives that would be inflicted 30 by surprise aggression 31. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked 32 on a large program of warning and defense 33 systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure 34 of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous 35 damage.
Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute 36. But for me to say that the defense capabilities 37 of the United States are such that they could inflict 29 terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.
To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed 38 malevolently 39 to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation 40 of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery 41 toward decency 42, and right, and justice. Surely no sane 43 member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.
Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation 44 and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.
It is with the book of history, and not with isolated 45 pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive 46, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.
So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber 47 of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.
In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation 48 cannot be attained 49 by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.
The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun 51 the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.
Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously 52 put forward. As you already know from our joint 53 Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly 54 to meet with the Soviet Union.
The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity 55. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible 56 results towards peace, the only true way of lessening 57 international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle 58 in friendly and fruitful relationship.
On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate 59 a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.
Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious 60 family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil 61 and strife 62 and misery 63 of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.
These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation 64. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy 65 peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.
But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration 66 of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.
In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”
The United States, heeding 67 the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately 68 with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.
The United States would seek more than the mere 8 reduction or elimination 69 of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.
The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon 70, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?
To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:
The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence 71, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis 72 of the United Nations.
The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.
The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting 73 in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable 74 or ungenerous associate.
Undoubtedly 75, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue 76 that it can be undertaken without the irritations 77 and mutual 50 suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection 78 and control.
The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity 79 of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially 80 immune to surprise seizure 81.
The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated 82 to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.
The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.
Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation 83 into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations 84 first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia 85 imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.
Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.
The coming months will be fraught 86 with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.
To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma 87 -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous 88 inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated 89 to his death, but consecrated 90 to his life.
I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting 91 me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously 92.
Thank you.
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围
- She wanted to enjoy her retirement without being beset by financial worries.她想享受退休生活而不必为金钱担忧。
- The plan was beset with difficulties from the beginning.这项计划自开始就困难重重。
adj.昏暗的,阴天的,阴森的,忧郁的
- He had a somber expression on his face.他面容忧郁。
- His coat was a somber brown.他的衣服是暗棕色的。
n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就
- It was one of the President's greatest accomplishments. 那是总统最伟大的成就之一。
- Among her accomplishments were sewing,cooking,playing the piano and dancing. 她的才能包括缝纫、烹调、弹钢琴和跳舞。 来自《现代英汉综合大词典》
adj.固定的,不变的,不动摇的;忠实的;坚贞不移的
- Her steadfast belief never left her for one moment.她坚定的信仰从未动摇过。
- He succeeded in his studies by dint of steadfast application.由于坚持不懈的努力他获得了学业上的成功。
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持
- The lasting war debased the value of the dollar.持久的战争使美元贬值。
- We hope for a lasting settlement of all these troubles.我们希望这些纠纷能获得永久的解决。
n.安康,安乐,幸福
- He always has the well-being of the masses at heart.他总是把群众的疾苦挂在心上。
- My concern for their well-being was misunderstood as interference.我关心他们的幸福,却被误解为多管闲事。
v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求
- Let us invoke the blessings of peace.让我们祈求和平之福。
- I hope I'll never have to invoke this clause and lodge a claim with you.我希望我永远不会使用这个条款向你们索赔。
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过
- That is a mere repetition of what you said before.那不过是重复了你以前讲的话。
- It's a mere waste of time waiting any longer.再等下去纯粹是浪费时间。
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的
- Alexander is a pious follower of the faith.亚历山大是个虔诚的信徒。
- Her mother was a pious Christian.她母亲是一个虔诚的基督教徒。
n.平常的话,老生常谈,陈词滥调( platitude的名词复数 );滥套子
- He was mouthing the usual platitudes about the need for more compassion. 他言不由衷地说了些需要更加同情之类的陈腔滥调。 来自《简明英汉词典》
- He delivered a long prose full of platitudes. 他发表了一篇充满陈词滥调的文章。 来自《现代英汉综合大词典》
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的
- This gave them a decided advantage over their opponents.这使他们比对手具有明显的优势。
- There is a decided difference between British and Chinese way of greeting.英国人和中国人打招呼的方式有很明显的区别。
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的
- Congress is the legislative branch of the U.S. government.国会是美国政府的立法部门。
- Today's hearing was just the first step in the legislative process.今天的听证会只是展开立法程序的第一步。
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 )
- He felt impelled to investigate further. 他觉得有必要作进一步调查。
- I feel impelled to express grave doubts about the project. 我觉得不得不对这项计划深表怀疑。 来自《简明英汉词典》
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突
- He addressed the audience on the subject of atomic warfare.他向听众演讲有关原子战争的问题。
- Their struggle consists mainly in peasant guerrilla warfare.他们的斗争主要是农民游击战。
n.朗诵,独奏会,独唱会
- She is going to give a piano recital.她即将举行钢琴独奏会。
- I had their total attention during the thirty-five minutes that my recital took.在我叙述的35分钟内,他们完全被我吸引了。
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物
- The ship has a cargo of about 200 ton.这条船大约有200吨的货物。
- A lot of people discharged the cargo from a ship.许多人从船上卸下货物。
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的
- She has made remarkable headway in her writing skills.她在写作技巧方面有了长足进步。
- These cars are remarkable for the quietness of their engines.这些汽车因发动机没有噪音而不同凡响。
adj.海的;海生的;航海的;海事的;n.水兵
- Marine creatures are those which live in the sea. 海洋生物是生存在海里的生物。
- When the war broke out,he volunteered for the Marine Corps.战争爆发时,他自愿参加了海军陆战队。
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组
- The medical corps were cited for bravery in combat.医疗队由于在战场上的英勇表现而受嘉奖。
- When the war broke out,he volunteered for the Marine Corps.战争爆发时,他自愿参加了海军陆战队。
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧
- We all dread to think what will happen if the company closes.我们都不敢去想一旦公司关门我们该怎么办。
- Her heart was relieved of its blankest dread.她极度恐惧的心理消除了。
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的
- He flew out of the room like a man possessed.他像着了魔似地猛然冲出房门。
- He behaved like someone possessed.他行为举止像是魔怔了。
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃
- Zhukov was a marshal of the former Soviet Union.朱可夫是前苏联的一位元帅。
- Germany began to attack the Soviet Union in 1941.德国在1941年开始进攻苏联。
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的
- He devoted his life to the educational cause of the motherland.他为祖国的教育事业贡献了一生。
- We devoted a lengthy and full discussion to this topic.我们对这个题目进行了长时间的充分讨论。
adj.数量的,定量的
- He said it was only a quantitative difference.他说这仅仅是数量上的差别。
- We need to do some quantitative analysis of the drugs.我们对药物要进行定量分析。
n.能力;才能;(pl)可发展的能力或特性等
- She has the capability to become a very fine actress.她有潜力成为杰出演员。
- Organizing a whole department is beyond his capability.组织整个部门是他能力以外的事。
adj.毁灭性的,令人震惊的,强有力的
- It is the most devastating storm in 20 years.这是20年来破坏性最大的风暴。
- Affairs do have a devastating effect on marriages.婚外情确实会对婚姻造成毁灭性的影响。
n.报复,反击
- retaliation against UN workers 对联合国工作人员的报复
- He never said a single word in retaliation. 他从未说过一句反击的话。 来自《简明英汉词典》
n.过路(桥)费;损失,伤亡人数;v.敲(钟)
- The hailstone took a heavy toll of the crops in our village last night.昨晚那场冰雹损坏了我们村的庄稼。
- The war took a heavy toll of human life.这次战争夺去了许多人的生命。
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担
- Don't inflict your ideas on me.不要把你的想法强加于我。
- Don't inflict damage on any person.不要伤害任何人。
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 )
- They inflicted a humiliating defeat on the home team. 他们使主队吃了一场很没面子的败仗。
- Zoya heroically bore the torture that the Fascists inflicted upon her. 卓娅英勇地承受法西斯匪徒加在她身上的酷刑。
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害
- So long as we are firmly united, we need fear no aggression.只要我们紧密地团结,就不必惧怕外来侵略。
- Her view is that aggression is part of human nature.她认为攻击性是人类本性的一部份。
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事
- We stood on the pier and watched as they embarked. 我们站在突码头上目送他们登船。
- She embarked on a discourse about the town's origins. 她开始讲本市的起源。
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩
- The accused has the right to defense.被告人有权获得辩护。
- The war has impacted the area with military and defense workers.战争使那个地区挤满了军队和防御工程人员。
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗
- The entry of all expenditure is necessary.有必要把一切开支入账。
- The monthly expenditure of our family is four hundred dollars altogether.我们一家的开销每月共计四百元。
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的
- The whole experience had been like some hideous nightmare.整个经历就像一场可怕的噩梦。
- They're not like dogs,they're hideous brutes.它们不像狗,是丑陋的畜牲。
adj.坚决的,果敢的
- He was resolute in carrying out his plan.他坚决地实行他的计划。
- The Egyptians offered resolute resistance to the aggressors.埃及人对侵略者作出坚决的反抗。
n.能力( capability的名词复数 );可能;容量;[复数]潜在能力
- He was somewhat pompous and had a high opinion of his own capabilities. 他有点自大,自视甚高。 来自辞典例句
- Some programmers use tabs to break complex product capabilities into smaller chunks. 一些程序员认为,标签可以将复杂的功能分为每个窗格一组简单的功能。 来自About Face 3交互设计精髓
命定的
- The court doomed the accused to a long term of imprisonment. 法庭判处被告长期监禁。
- A country ruled by an iron hand is doomed to suffer. 被铁腕人物统治的国家定会遭受不幸的。
- She watched him malevolently. 她恶意地看着他。 来自互联网
- The little woman advanced slowly with her eyes fixed malevolently on the pink paper. 那小妇人慢慢前进,眼睛恶意地盯在那张粉红钯的纸上。 来自互联网
n.谴责; 定罪
- There was widespread condemnation of the invasion. 那次侵略遭到了人们普遍的谴责。
- The jury's condemnation was a shock to the suspect. 陪审团宣告有罪使嫌疑犯大为震惊。
n.野性
- The police were shocked by the savagery of the attacks.警察对这些惨无人道的袭击感到震惊。
- They threw away their advantage by their savagery to the black population.他们因为野蛮对待黑人居民而丧失了自己的有利地位。
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重
- His sense of decency and fair play made him refuse the offer.他的正直感和公平竞争意识使他拒绝了这一提议。
- Your behaviour is an affront to public decency.你的行为有伤风化。
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的
- He was sane at the time of the murder.在凶杀案发生时他的神志是清醒的。
- He is a very sane person.他是一个很有头脑的人。
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变
- There are serious problems of land degradation in some arid zones.在一些干旱地带存在严重的土地退化问题。
- Gambling is always coupled with degradation.赌博总是与堕落相联系。
adj.与世隔绝的
- His bad behaviour was just an isolated incident. 他的不良行为只是个别事件。
- Patients with the disease should be isolated. 这种病的患者应予以隔离。
adj.建设的,建设性的
- We welcome constructive criticism.我们乐意接受有建设性的批评。
- He is beginning to deal with his anger in a constructive way.他开始用建设性的方法处理自己的怒气。
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所
- For many,the dentist's surgery remains a torture chamber.对许多人来说,牙医的治疗室一直是间受刑室。
- The chamber was ablaze with light.会议厅里灯火辉煌。
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困
- Salvation lay in political reform.解救办法在于政治改革。
- Christians hope and pray for salvation.基督教徒希望并祈祷灵魂得救。
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况)
- She has attained the degree of Master of Arts. 她已获得文学硕士学位。
- Lu Hsun attained a high position in the republic of letters. 鲁迅在文坛上获得崇高的地位。
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的
- We must pull together for mutual interest.我们必须为相互的利益而通力合作。
- Mutual interests tied us together.相互的利害关系把我们联系在一起。
vt.避开,回避,避免
- Materialists face truth,whereas idealists shun it.唯物主义者面向真理,唯心主义者则逃避真理。
- This extremist organization has shunned conventional politics.这个极端主义组织有意避开了传统政治。
adv.以前,先前(地)
- The bicycle tyre blew out at a previously damaged point.自行车胎在以前损坏过的地方又爆开了。
- Let me digress for a moment and explain what had happened previously.让我岔开一会儿,解释原先发生了什么。
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合
- I had a bad fall,which put my shoulder out of joint.我重重地摔了一跤,肩膀脫臼了。
- We wrote a letter in joint names.我们联名写了封信。
adv.及时地,敏捷地
- He paid the money back promptly.他立即还了钱。
- She promptly seized the opportunity his absence gave her.她立即抓住了因他不在场给她创造的机会。
n.真诚,诚意;真实
- His sincerity added much more authority to the story.他的真诚更增加了故事的说服力。
- He tried hard to satisfy me of his sincerity.他竭力让我了解他的诚意。
adj.有形的,可触摸的,确凿的,实际的
- The policy has not yet brought any tangible benefits.这项政策还没有带来任何实质性的好处。
- There is no tangible proof.没有确凿的证据。
减轻,减少,变小
- So however much he earned, she spent it, her demands growing and lessening with his income. 祥子挣多少,她花多少,她的要求随着他的钱涨落。 来自汉英文学 - 骆驼祥子
- The talks have resulted in a lessening of suspicion. 谈话消减了彼此的怀疑。
vt.使混合,使相混;vi.混合起来;相交往
- If we mingle with the crowd,we should not be noticed.如果我们混在人群中,就不会被注意到。
- Oil will not mingle with water.油和水不相融。
vt.开始,创始,发动;启蒙,使入门;引入
- A language teacher should initiate pupils into the elements of grammar.语言老师应该把基本语法教给学生。
- They wanted to initiate a discussion on economics.他们想启动一次经济学讨论。
adj.和睦的,调和的,和谐的,协调的
- Their harmonious relationship resulted in part from their similar goals.他们关系融洽的部分原因是他们有着相似的目标。
- The room was painted in harmonious colors.房间油漆得色彩调和。
n.骚乱,混乱,动乱
- His mind was in such a turmoil that he couldn't get to sleep.内心的纷扰使他无法入睡。
- The robbery put the village in a turmoil.抢劫使全村陷入混乱。
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争
- We do not intend to be drawn into the internal strife.我们不想卷入内乱之中。
- Money is a major cause of strife in many marriages.金钱是造成很多婚姻不和的一个主要原因。
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦
- Business depression usually causes misery among the working class.商业不景气常使工薪阶层受苦。
- He has rescued me from the mire of misery.他把我从苦海里救了出来。
n.谈判,协商
- They closed the deal in sugar after a week of negotiation.经过一星期的谈判,他们的食糖生意成交了。
- The negotiation dragged on until July.谈判一直拖到7月份。
adj.贫穷的,贫困的,生活艰苦的
- Although he was poor,he was quite generous to his needy friends.他虽穷,但对贫苦的朋友很慷慨。
- They awarded scholarships to needy students.他们给贫苦学生颁发奖学金。
n. 重覆, 反覆, 重说
- The reiteration of this figure, more than anything else, wrecked the conservative chance of coming back. 重申这数字,比其它任何事情更能打消保守党重新上台的机会。
- The final statement is just a reiteration of U.S. policy on Taiwan. 艾瑞里?最后一个声明只是重复宣读美国对台政策。
v.听某人的劝告,听从( heed的现在分词 )
- This come of heeding people who say one thing and mean another! 有些人嘴里一回事,心里又是一回事,今天这个下场都是听信了这种人的话的结果。 来自辞典例句
- Her dwarfish spouse still smoked his cigar and drank his rum without heeding her. 她那矮老公还在吸他的雪茄,喝他的蔗酒,睬也不睬她。 来自辞典例句
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地
- Some ministers admit privately that unemployment could continue to rise.一些部长私下承认失业率可能继续升高。
- The man privately admits that his motive is profits.那人私下承认他的动机是为了牟利。
n.排除,消除,消灭
- Their elimination from the competition was a great surprise.他们在比赛中遭到淘汰是个很大的意外。
- I was eliminated from the 400 metres in the semi-finals.我在400米半决赛中被淘汰。
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠
- A car is a real boon when you live in the country.在郊外居住,有辆汽车确实极为方便。
- These machines have proved a real boon to disabled people.事实证明这些机器让残疾人受益匪浅。
n.谨慎,精明,节俭
- A lack of prudence may lead to financial problems.不够谨慎可能会导致财政上出现问题。
- The happy impute all their success to prudence or merit.幸运者都把他们的成功归因于谨慎或功德。
n.盾;保护,庇护
- Medical supplies are flied in under the aegis of the red cross.在红十字会的保护下,正在空运进医药用品。
- The space programme will continue under the aegis of the armed forces.这项太空计划将以武装部队作后盾继续进行。
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的
- Ignore her,she's just acting.别理她,她只是假装的。
- During the seventies,her acting career was in eclipse.在七十年代,她的表演生涯黯然失色。
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的
- I know that they made the most unreasonable demands on you.我知道他们对你提出了最不合理的要求。
- They spend an unreasonable amount of money on clothes.他们花在衣服上的钱太多了。
adv.确实地,无疑地
- It is undoubtedly she who has said that.这话明明是她说的。
- He is undoubtedly the pride of China.毫无疑问他是中国的骄傲。
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力
- He was considered to be a paragon of virtue.他被认为是品德尽善尽美的典范。
- You need to decorate your mind with virtue.你应该用德行美化心灵。
n.激怒( irritation的名词复数 );恼怒;生气;令人恼火的事
- For a time I have forgotten the worries and irritations I was nurturing before. 我暂时忘掉了过去积聚的忧愁和烦躁。 来自辞典例句
- Understanding God's big picture can turn irritations into inspirations. 明了神的蓝图,将使你的烦躁转为灵感。 来自互联网
n.检查,审查,检阅
- On random inspection the meat was found to be bad.经抽查,发现肉变质了。
- The soldiers lined up for their daily inspection by their officers.士兵们列队接受军官的日常检阅。
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造
- The boy showed ingenuity in making toys.那个小男孩做玩具很有创造力。
- I admire your ingenuity and perseverance.我钦佩你的别出心裁和毅力。
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上
- Really great men are essentially modest.真正的伟人大都很谦虚。
- She is an essentially selfish person.她本质上是个自私自利的人。
n.没收;占有;抵押
- The seizure of contraband is made by customs.那些走私品是被海关没收的。
- The courts ordered the seizure of all her property.法院下令查封她所有的财产。
n.调查,调查研究
- In an investigation,a new fact became known, which told against him.在调查中新发现了一件对他不利的事实。
- He drew the conclusion by building on his own investigation.他根据自己的调查研究作出结论。
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音
- I didn't realize you had political aspirations. 我没有意识到你有政治上的抱负。
- The new treaty embodies the aspirations of most nonaligned countries. 新条约体现了大多数不结盟国家的愿望。
adj.惰性,惯性,懒惰,迟钝
- We had a feeling of inertia in the afternoon.下午我们感觉很懒。
- Inertia carried the plane onto the ground.飞机靠惯性着陆。
adj.充满…的,伴有(危险等)的;忧虑的
- The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions.未来数月将充满重大的决定。
- There's no need to look so fraught!用不着那么愁眉苦脸的!
n.困境,进退两难的局面
- I am on the horns of a dilemma about the matter.这件事使我进退两难。
- He was thrown into a dilemma.他陷入困境。
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的
- The wounded man made a miraculous recovery.伤员奇迹般地痊愈了。
- They won a miraculous victory over much stronger enemy.他们战胜了远比自己强大的敌人,赢得了非凡的胜利。
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的
- He dedicated his life to the cause of education.他献身于教育事业。
- His whole energies are dedicated to improve the design.他的全部精力都放在改进这项设计上了。
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献
- The church was consecrated in 1853. 这座教堂于1853年祝圣。
- They consecrated a temple to their god. 他们把庙奉献给神。 来自《简明英汉词典》
adj.诱人的,引人注目的
- An inviting smell of coffee wafted into the room.一股诱人的咖啡香味飘进了房间。
- The kitchen smelled warm and inviting and blessedly familiar.这间厨房的味道温暖诱人,使人感到亲切温馨。
adv.有礼貌地,亲切地
- He courteously opened the door for me.他谦恭有礼地为我开门。
- Presently he rose courteously and released her.过了一会,他就很客气地站起来,让她走开。