时间:2018-12-30 作者:英语课 分类:名人演讲


英语课

Good evening, my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation on Vietnam, I announced the decision to withdraw an additional 150,000 Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos, in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression 1 in all these areas, and particularly in Cambodia.


After full consultation 2 with the National Security Council, Ambassador Bunker, General Abrams and my other advisors 3, I have concluded that the actions of the enemy in the last 10 days clearly endanger the lives of Americans who are in Vietnam now and would constitute an unacceptable risk to those who will be there after withdrawal 4 of another 150, 000. To protect our men who are in Vietnam, and to guarantee the continued success of our withdrawal and Vietnamization program, I have concluded that the time has come for action.


Tonight, I shall describe the actions of the enemy, the actions I have ordered to deal with that situation, and the reasons for my decision.


Cambodia -- a small country of seven million people -- has been a neutral nation since the Geneva Agreement of 1954, an agreement, incidentally, which was signed by the government of North Vietnam. American policy since then has been to scrupulously 5 respect the neutrality of the Cambodian people. We have maintained a skeleton diplomatic mission of fewer than 15 in Cambodia’s capital, and that only since last August. For the previous four years, from 1965 to 1969, we did not have any diplomatic mission whatever in Cambodia, and for the past five years we have provided no military assistance whatever and no economic assistance to Cambodia.


North Vietnam, however, has not respected that neutrality. For the past five years, as indicated on this map, that you see here, North Vietnam has occupied military sanctuaries 6 all along the Cambodian frontier with South Vietnam. Some of these extend up to 20 miles into Cambodia. The sanctuaries are in red, and as you note, they are on both sides of the border. They are used for hit-and-run attacks on American and South Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. These Communist-occupied territories contain major base camps, training sites, logistics facilities, weapons and ammunition 7 factories, airstrips, and prisoner of war compounds.


And for five years neither the United States nor South Vietnam has moved against these enemy sanctuaries because we did not wish to violate the territory of a neutral nation. Even after the Vietnamese Communists began to expand these sanctuaries four weeks ago, we counseled patience to our South Vietnamese allies and imposed restraints on our own commanders.


In contrast to our policy the enemy in the past two weeks has stepped up his guerrilla actions, and he is concentrating his main forces in these sanctuaries that you see in this map, where they are building up to launch massive attacks on our forces and those of South Vietnam.


North Vietnam in the last two weeks has stripped away all pretense 8 of respecting the sovereignty or the neutrality of Cambodia. Thousands of their soldiers are invading the country from the sanctuaries. They are encircling the capital of Pnompenh. Coming from these sanctuaries, as you see here, they had moved into Cambodia and are encircling the capital.


Cambodia, as a result of this, has sent out a call to the United States, to a number of other nations, for assistance. Because if this enemy effort succeeds, Cambodia would become a vast enemy staging area and a springboard for attacks on South Vietnam along 600 miles of frontier: a refuge where enemy troops could return from combat without fear of retaliation 9. North Vietnamese men and supplies could then be poured into that country, jeopardizing 10 not only the lives of our own men but the people of South Vietnam as well.


Now confronted with this situation we had three options:


First, we can do nothing. Well the ultimate result of that course of action is clear. Unless we indulge in wishful thinking, the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam after our next withdrawal of 150,000 would be gravely threatened.


Let us go to the map again.


Here is South Vietnam. Here is North Vietnam. North Vietnam already occupies this part of Laos. If North Vietnam also occupied this whole band in Cambodia, or the entire country, it would mean that South Vietnam was completely outflanked and the forces of Americans in this area as well as the South Vietnamese would be in an untenable military position.


Our second choice is to provide massive military assistance to Cambodia itself. Now unfortunately, while we deeply sympathize with the plight 11 of seven million Cambodians whose country has been invaded, massive amounts of military assistance could not be rapidly and effectively utilized 12 by this small Cambodian Army against the immediate 13 trap. With other nations we shall do our best to provide the small arms and other equipment which the Cambodian Army of 40,000 needs and can use for its defense 14. But the aid we will provide will be limited for the purpose of enabling Cambodia to defend its neutrality and not for the purpose of making it an active belligerent 15 on one side or the other.


Our third choice is to go to the heart of the trouble. And that means cleaning out major North Vietnamese and Vietcong occupied territories, these sanctuaries which serve as bases for attacks on both Cambodia and American and South Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. Some of these, incidentally, are as close to Saigon as Baltimore is to Washington. This one, for example, is called the Parrot’s Beak 16. It’s only 33 miles from Saigon.


Now faced with these three options, this is the decision I have made. In co-operation with the armed forces of South Vietnam, attacks are being launched this week to clean out major enemy sanctuaries on the Cambodian-Vietnam border. A major responsibility for the ground operations is being assumed by South Vietnamese forces.


For example, the attacks in several areas, including the parrot’s beak that I referred to a moment ago, are exclusively South Vietnamese ground operations, under South Vietnamese command, with the United States providing air and logistical support. There is one area however, immediately above the parrot’s beak where I have concluded that a combined American and South Vietnamese operation is necessary.


Tonight, American and South Vietnamese units will attack the headquarters for the entire Communist military operation in South Vietnam. This key control center has been occupied by the North Vietnamese and Vietcong for five years in blatant 17 violation 18 of Cambodia’s neutrality.


This is not an invasion of Cambodia. The areas in which these attacks will be launched are completely occupied and controlled by North Vietnamese forces. Our purpose is not to occupy the areas. Once enemy forces are driven out of these sanctuaries, and once their military supplies are destroyed, we will withdraw.


These actions are in no way directed to the security interests of any nation. Any government that chooses to use these actions as a pretext 19 for harming relations with the United States will be doing so on its own responsibility and on its own initiative, and we will draw the appropriate conclusions.


And now, let me give you the reasons for my decision. A majority of the American people, a majority of you listening to me are for the withdrawal of our forces from Vietnam. The action I have taken tonight is indispensable for the continuing success of that withdrawal program. A majority of the American people want to end this war rather than to have it drag on interminably. The action I have taken tonight will serve that purpose. A majority of the American people want to keep the casualties of our brave men in Vietnam at an absolute minimum. The action I take tonight is essential if we are to accomplish that goal.


We take this action not for the purpose of expanding the war into Cambodia, but for the purpose of ending the war in Vietnam, and winning the just peace we all desire.


We have made, we will continue to make every possible effort to end this war through negotiation 20 at the conference table rather than through more fighting in the battlefield.


Let’s look again at the record.


We stopped the bombing of North Vietnam. We have cut air operations by over 20 per cent. We’ve announced the withdrawal of over 250, 000 of our men. We’ve offered to withdraw all of our men if they will withdraw theirs. We’ve offered to negotiate all issues with only one condition: and that is that the future of South Vietnam be determined 21, not by North Vietnam, and not by the United States, but by the people of South Vietnam themselves.


The answer of the enemy has been intransigence 22 at the conference table, belligerence 23 at Hanoi, massive military aggression in Laos and Cambodia and stepped-up attacks in South Vietnam designed to increase American casualties.


This attitude has become intolerable.


We will not react to this threat to American lives merely by plaintive 24, diplomatic protests.


If we did, the credibility of the United States would be destroyed in every area of the world where only the power of the United States deters 25 aggression.


Tonight, I again warn the North Vietnamese that if they continue to escalate 26 the fighting when the United States is withdrawing its forces, I shall meet my responsibility as commander in chief of our armed forces to take the action I consider necessary to defend the security of our American men.


The action I have announced tonight puts the leaders of North Vietnam on notice that we will be patient in working for peace. We will be conciliatory at the conference table.


But we will not be humiliated 28.


We will not be defeated.


We will not allow American men, by the thousands, to be killed by an enemy from privileged sanctuaries.


The time came long ago to end this war through peaceful negotiations 29. We stand ready for those negotiations. We’ve made major efforts, many of which must remain secret. I say tonight all the offers and approaches made previously 30 remain on the conference table whenever Hanoi is ready to negotiate seriously. But if the enemy response to our most conciliatory offers for peaceful negotiation continues to be to increase its attacks and humiliate 27 and defeat us, we shall react accordingly.


My fellow Americans, we live in an age of anarchy 31, both abroad and at home. We see mindless attacks on all the great institutions which have been created by free civilizations in the last 500 years. Even here in the United States, great universities are being systematically 32 destroyed.


Small nations all over the world find themselves under attack from within and from without. If, when the chips are down, the world’s most powerful nation -- the United States of America -- acts like a pitiful, helpless giant, the forces of totalitarianism and anarchy will threaten free nations and free institutions throughout the world.


It is not our power, but our will and character that is being tested tonight.


The question all Americans must ask and answer tonight is this: Does the richest and strongest nation in the history of the world have the character to meet a direct challenge by a group which rejects every effort to win a just peace, ignores our warning, tramples 33 on solemn agreements, violates the neutrality of an unarmed people, and uses our prisoners as hostages? If we fail to meet this challenge, all other nations will be on notice that despite its overwhelming power the United States when a real crisis comes will be found wanting.


During my campaign for the Presidency 34, I pledged to bring Americans home form Vietnam. They are coming home. I promised to end this war. I shall keep that promise. I promised to win a just peace. I shall keep that promise. We shall avoid a wider war, but we are also determined to put an end to this war.


In this room, Woodrow Wilson made the great decisions which led to victory in World War I. Franklin Roosevelt made the decisions which led to our victory in World War II. Dwight D. Eisenhower made decisions which ended the war in Korea and avoided war in the Middle East. John F. Kennedy, in his finest hour, made the great decision which removed Soviet 35 nuclear missiles from Cuba and the western hemisphere.


I have noted 36 that there’s been a great deal of discussion with regard to this decision that I have made. And I should point out I do not contend that it is in the same magnitude as these decisions that I have just mentioned. But between those decisions and this decision, there is a difference that is very fundamental. In those decisions the American people were not assailed 37 by counsels of doubt and defeat from some of the most widely known opinion leaders of the nation.


I have noted, for example, that a Republican Senator has said that this action I have taken means that my party has lost all chance of winning the November elections. And others are saying today that this move against enemy sanctuaries will make me a one-term President.


No one is more aware than I am of the political consequences of the action I have taken. It is tempting 38 to take the easy political path, to blame this war on previous Administrations, and to bring all of our men home immediately -- regardless of the consequences, even though that would mean defeat for the United States; to desert 18 million South Vietnamese people who have put their trust in us; to expose them to the same slaughter 39 and savagery 40 which the leaders of North Vietnam inflicted 41 on hundreds of thousands of North Vietnamese who chose freedom when the Communists took over North Vietnam in 1954.


To get peace at any price now, even though I know that a peace of humiliation 42 for the United States would lead to a bigger war or surrender later. I have rejected all political considerations in making this decision. Whether my party gains in November is nothing compared to the lives of 400,000 brave Americans fighting for our country and for the cause of peace and freedom in Vietnam.


Whether I may be a one-term President is insignificant 43 compared to whether by our failure to act in this crisis the United States proves itself to be unworthy to lead the forces of freedom in this critical period in world history.


I would rather be a one-term president and do what I believe was right than to be a two-term President at the cost of seeing America become a second-rate power and to see this nation accept the first defeat in its proud 190-year history.


I realize in this war there are honest, deep differences in this country about whether we should have become involved; that there are differences to how the war should have been conducted.


But the decision I announce tonight transcends 44 those differences, for the lives of American men are involved.


The opportunity for 150,000 Americans to come home in the next 12 months is involved.


The future of 18-million people in South Vietnam and 7 million people in Cambodia is involved.


The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake.


It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent 45. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway 46 around the world, not for territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and freedom, and justice.


Thank you, and good night.



n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害
  • So long as we are firmly united, we need fear no aggression.只要我们紧密地团结,就不必惧怕外来侵略。
  • Her view is that aggression is part of human nature.她认为攻击性是人类本性的一部份。
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议
  • The company has promised wide consultation on its expansion plans.该公司允诺就其扩展计划广泛征求意见。
  • The scheme was developed in close consultation with the local community.该计划是在同当地社区密切磋商中逐渐形成的。
n.顾问,劝告者( advisor的名词复数 );(指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授
  • The governors felt that they were being strung along by their advisors. 地方长官感到他们一直在受顾问们的愚弄。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
  • We will consult together with advisors about her education. 我们将一起和专家商议她的教育事宜。 来自互联网
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销
  • The police were forced to make a tactical withdrawal.警方被迫进行战术撤退。
  • They insisted upon a withdrawal of the statement and a public apology.他们坚持要收回那些话并公开道歉。
adv.一丝不苟地;小心翼翼地,多顾虑地
  • She toed scrupulously into the room. 她小心翼翼地踮着脚走进房间。 来自辞典例句
  • To others he would be scrupulously fair. 对待别人,他力求公正。 来自英汉非文学 - 文明史
n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 );庇护;圣所;庇护所
  • The designation of special marine reserves and marine sanctuaries shall be subject to the State Council for approval. 海洋特别保护区、海上自然保护区的确定,须经国务院批准。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • After 1965 he acquiesced when they established sanctuaries on that soil. 1965年以后,他默认了他们在那块土地上建立庇护所。 来自辞典例句
n.军火,弹药
  • A few of the jeeps had run out of ammunition.几辆吉普车上的弹药已经用光了。
  • They have expended all their ammunition.他们把弹药用光。
n.矫饰,做作,借口
  • You can't keep up the pretense any longer.你无法继续伪装下去了。
  • Pretense invariably impresses only the pretender.弄虚作假欺骗不了真正的行家。
n.报复,反击
  • retaliation against UN workers 对联合国工作人员的报复
  • He never said a single word in retaliation. 他从未说过一句反击的话。 来自《简明英汉词典》
危及,损害( jeopardize的现在分词 )
  • Plans may also become inefficient in the attainment of objectives by jeopardizing group satisfactions. 用危及群体利益方法去达到目标的计划,也是无效率的。
  • That boosted government revenues in the short term, but is now jeopardizing them. Morales将天然气工业,电信业和部分采矿业收归国有的举措吓跑了投资者们。
n.困境,境况,誓约,艰难;vt.宣誓,保证,约定
  • The leader was much concerned over the plight of the refugees.那位领袖对难民的困境很担忧。
  • She was in a most helpless plight.她真不知如何是好。
v.利用,使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 )
  • In the19th century waterpower was widely utilized to generate electricity. 在19世纪人们大规模使用水力来发电。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • The empty building can be utilized for city storage. 可以利用那栋空建筑物作城市的仓库。 来自《简明英汉词典》
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的
  • His immediate neighbours felt it their duty to call.他的近邻认为他们有责任去拜访。
  • We declared ourselves for the immediate convocation of the meeting.我们主张立即召开这个会议。
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩
  • The accused has the right to defense.被告人有权获得辩护。
  • The war has impacted the area with military and defense workers.战争使那个地区挤满了军队和防御工程人员。
adj.好战的,挑起战争的;n.交战国,交战者
  • He had a belligerent aspect.他有种好斗的神色。
  • Our government has forbidden exporting the petroleum to the belligerent countries.我们政府已经禁止向交战国输出石油。
n.鸟嘴,茶壶嘴,钩形鼻
  • The bird had a worm in its beak.鸟儿嘴里叼着一条虫。
  • This bird employs its beak as a weapon.这种鸟用嘴作武器。
adj.厚颜无耻的;显眼的;炫耀的
  • I cannot believe that so blatant a comedy can hoodwink anybody.我无法相信这么显眼的一出喜剧能够欺骗谁。
  • His treatment of his secretary was a blatant example of managerial arrogance.他管理的傲慢作风在他对待秘书的态度上表露无遗。
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯
  • He roared that was a violation of the rules.他大声说,那是违反规则的。
  • He was fined 200 dollars for violation of traffic regulation.他因违反交通规则被罚款200美元。
n.借口,托词
  • He used his headache as a pretext for not going to school.他借口头疼而不去上学。
  • He didn't attend that meeting under the pretext of sickness.他以生病为借口,没参加那个会议。
n.谈判,协商
  • They closed the deal in sugar after a week of negotiation.经过一星期的谈判,他们的食糖生意成交了。
  • The negotiation dragged on until July.谈判一直拖到7月份。
adj.坚定的;有决心的
  • I have determined on going to Tibet after graduation.我已决定毕业后去西藏。
  • He determined to view the rooms behind the office.他决定查看一下办公室后面的房间。
n.妥协的态度;强硬
  • He often appeared angry and frustrated by the intransigence of both sides.他似乎常常为双方各不相让而生气沮丧。
  • Yet for North Korea,intransigence is the norm.不过对朝鲜来说,决不妥协是其一贯作风。
n.交战,好战性,斗争性
  • He could be accused of passion,but never belligerence.可以说他很冲动,但不能说他爱挑事。
  • He was almost back to his belligerent mood of twelve months ago.他故态复萌,几乎又像一年前那样咄咄逼人了。
adj.可怜的,伤心的
  • Her voice was small and plaintive.她的声音微弱而哀伤。
  • Somewhere in the audience an old woman's voice began plaintive wail.观众席里,一位老太太伤心地哭起来。
v.阻止,制止( deter的第三人称单数 )
  • The filth here deters all but the invited guest. 这里污秽不堪,除非有事,外人是裹足不前的。 来自辞典例句
  • Many people believe that capital punishment deters crime. 很多人相信极刑能阻止犯罪。 来自互联网
v.(使)逐步增长(或发展),(使)逐步升级
  • It would tempt Israel's neighbors to escalate their demands.它将诱使以色列的邻国不断把他们的要求升级。
  • Defeat could cause one side or other to escalate the conflict.失败可能会导致其中一方将冲突升级。
v.使羞辱,使丢脸[同]disgrace
  • What right had they to bully and humiliate people like this?凭什么把人欺侮到这个地步呢?
  • They pay me empty compliments which only humiliate me.他们虚情假意地恭维我,这只能使我感到羞辱。
感到羞愧的
  • Parents are humiliated if their children behave badly when guests are present. 子女在客人面前举止失当,父母也失体面。
  • He was ashamed and bitterly humiliated. 他感到羞耻,丢尽了面子。
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过
  • negotiations for a durable peace 为持久和平而进行的谈判
  • Negotiations have failed to establish any middle ground. 谈判未能达成任何妥协。
adv.以前,先前(地)
  • The bicycle tyre blew out at a previously damaged point.自行车胎在以前损坏过的地方又爆开了。
  • Let me digress for a moment and explain what had happened previously.让我岔开一会儿,解释原先发生了什么。
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序
  • There would be anarchy if we had no police.要是没有警察,社会就会无法无天。
  • The country was thrown into a state of anarchy.这国家那时一下子陷入无政府状态。
adv.有系统地
  • This government has systematically run down public services since it took office.这一屆政府自上台以来系统地削减了公共服务。
  • The rainforest is being systematically destroyed.雨林正被系统地毀灭。
踩( trample的第三人称单数 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期)
  • Roosevelt was elected four times to the presidency of the United States.罗斯福连续当选四届美国总统。
  • Two candidates are emerging as contestants for the presidency.两位候选人最终成为总统职位竞争者。
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃
  • Zhukov was a marshal of the former Soviet Union.朱可夫是前苏联的一位元帅。
  • Germany began to attack the Soviet Union in 1941.德国在1941年开始进攻苏联。
adj.著名的,知名的
  • The local hotel is noted for its good table.当地的那家酒店以餐食精美而著称。
  • Jim is noted for arriving late for work.吉姆上班迟到出了名。
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对
  • He was assailed with fierce blows to the head. 他的头遭到猛烈殴打。
  • He has been assailed by bad breaks all these years. 这些年来他接二连三地倒霉。 来自《用法词典》
a.诱人的, 吸引人的
  • It is tempting to idealize the past. 人都爱把过去的日子说得那么美好。
  • It was a tempting offer. 这是个诱人的提议。
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀
  • I couldn't stand to watch them slaughter the cattle.我不忍看他们宰牛。
  • Wholesale slaughter was carried out in the name of progress.大规模的屠杀在维护进步的名义下进行。
n.野性
  • The police were shocked by the savagery of the attacks.警察对这些惨无人道的袭击感到震惊。
  • They threw away their advantage by their savagery to the black population.他们因为野蛮对待黑人居民而丧失了自己的有利地位。
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 )
  • They inflicted a humiliating defeat on the home team. 他们使主队吃了一场很没面子的败仗。
  • Zoya heroically bore the torture that the Fascists inflicted upon her. 卓娅英勇地承受法西斯匪徒加在她身上的酷刑。
n.羞辱
  • He suffered the humiliation of being forced to ask for his cards.他蒙受了被迫要求辞职的羞辱。
  • He will wish to revenge his humiliation in last Season's Final.他会为在上个季度的决赛中所受的耻辱而报复的。
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的
  • In winter the effect was found to be insignificant.在冬季,这种作用是不明显的。
  • This problem was insignificant compared to others she faced.这一问题与她面临的其他问题比较起来算不得什么。
超出或超越(经验、信念、描写能力等)的范围( transcend的第三人称单数 ); 优于或胜过…
  • The chemical dilution technique transcends most of the difficulties. 化学稀释法能克服大部分困难。
  • The genius of Shakespeare transcends that of all other English poets. 莎士比亚的才华胜过所有的其他英国诗人。
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的
  • Is there a precedent for what you want me to do?你要我做的事有前例可援吗?
  • This is a wonderful achievement without precedent in Chinese history.这是中国历史上亘古未有的奇绩。
adj.中途的,不彻底的,部分的;adv.半路地,在中途,在半途
  • We had got only halfway when it began to get dark.走到半路,天就黑了。
  • In study the worst danger is give up halfway.在学习上,最忌讳的是有始无终。
学英语单词
alphaeus
audiofrequency meter
berti
category of vessel
cetoniidaes
closed-loop telemetry system
coinstantanean
compoundness
conformal gravity
conical seat nozzle
cross-arm
crystal loudspeaker
cute
demand quantity
diversiphiles
Eames lounge chair
earth loop
education u.s. copyright act
european swifts
floury potato
Flowery Kingdom
general-purpose control system
Gepatsch, Speicher
Great Budworth
Greec
hanft
hapned
Holy Mother
hopping john
horsetail lichens
imprisonment with suspension of sentence
initial potential flowing
inlaced
intale weight
jetadmins
kachauris
kirkland warbler
kunthianum
labourable
Likma
locatively
magnetically soft ferrite
Malimo machine
matrix graphite
mini rugby
nagyagites
Nazko R.
nebracetam
neuromechanically
Newman algebra
nonontological
North Atlantic Radio-Telephone
nucleates
obligatoriness
oil off
orange leaf disease
oxidation semiconductor
pay full value for sth
peculate
pine siskins
PMSL
policedog
protferriheme
pythmic
radiculomyelopathy
raffles
rarefied hypersonic aerodynamics
rentes
resistivity prospecting
rifampicins
rotary locking spring
Rousseauean
run-time data area
sales-driven philosophy
salinity gradient energy
seismic recorder
semicopes
skin glands
skin sarcoid tumor
slab heating
special bill
Spitskop
squeezing tube
stayes
Stria longitudinalis lateralis
technoerotic
telemechanisms
ten-ton
third stage of labo(u)r
thrombophlebitides
to squeeze out
top-lines
training expense
transinterhemispheric approach
Transjordanian
trasal glands
triphenyl orthoformate
tyre-chain repairing pliers
UNPUB
velocity of wave propagation
Visoderm