英国新首的对华立场 对于北部振兴计划不是好兆头

 　　The decision by Theresa May, the new UK prime minister, to postpone 1 approval for Hinkley Point nuclear power station, apparently 2 because of security concerns about Chinese investors 3 involved in the project, raises questions about another of her predecessors 4’ flagships: George Osborne’s “Northern Powerhouse”.

　　英国新首相特里萨?梅(Theresa May)推迟批准欣克利角(Hinkley Point)核电站项目，显然是因为中国投资者参与该项目而对安全方面感到担忧。她的这个决定使人对上届政府的另一个旗舰项目产生疑问：英国前财政大臣乔治?奥斯本(George Osborne)的“北部振兴计划”(Northern powerhouse)。
　　Wooing Chinese investment was central to the former chancellor 5 of the exchequer’s plan to harness the collective strength of northern England’s cities and so to rebalance the economy and devolve powers from Whitehall. If Hinkley is cancelled and a promised “golden era” of UK-China commercial relations comes to nought 6, the Powerhouse will look underfunded.
　　对于奥斯本这一旨在利用英格兰北部城市的集体力量、推动经济再平衡和政府权力下放的计划来说，吸引中国投资是关键所在。如果欣克利角项目被取消，同时承诺的中英商业关系“黄金时代”无果而终，“北部振兴计划”看上去将陷入资金不足的局面。
　　Jim O’Neill, Treasury 7 minister and former Goldman Sachs chief economist 8, a driving force behind the Northern Powerhouse, is considering quitting the government over Mrs May’s approach to China.
　　鉴于梅的对华姿态，英国财政部商务大臣、高盛(Goldman Sachs)前首席经济学家吉姆?奥尼尔(Jim O'Neill)正考虑辞去政府职务。他是推动“北部振兴计划”的人士之一。
　　Before the Hinkley announcement, Mrs May had reaffirmed the government’s commitment to the Powerhouse and spoke 9 of a “gaping chasm” between London and the rest of the country. However, she sees the project a bit differently from her predecessors. She pledged to help “not one or even two of our great regional cities, but every single one of them” — an implied rebuke 10 to Mr Osborne’s focus on Manchester and its near neighbours, such as(notably 11 Leeds andincluding Sheffield.
　　在宣布推迟评估欣克利角核电站协议之前，梅重申了政府对“北部振兴计划”的承诺，并谈到伦敦与国内其他地区“日益扩大的差距”。不过，她对“北部振兴计划”的看法与上届政府官员有些不同。她承诺要帮助的“不是一两个大型地区性城市，而是每一个城市”，言外之意是不苟同奥斯本对曼彻斯特及邻近城市的关注，例如谢菲尔德。
　　The UK’s Brexit vote has added political urgency to the issue. The greatest support for leaving the EU was in predominantly working-class areas of the north and Midlands, where many felt let down by the political establishment. We should not be surprised. Even in the 1975 referendum, when the UK voted by two to one to stay in the European Economic Community, the leave vote was particularly strong in south Yorkshire and the north-east. This timeMore than two-thirds of voters in towns such as Hartlepool, Doncaster, Barnsley and Blackpool voted to leave.
　　英国的退欧公投给这个问题增加了政治紧迫性。支持退欧的最大力量来自英格兰北部和米德兰地区以工人阶级为主的地区，在这些地区，很多人对政治当局感到失望。对此我们不应感到意外。在1975年英国以2:1的投票结果支持留在欧洲经济共同体(European Economic Community)的公投中，约克郡南部和英格兰东北部支持退出的投票尤其踊跃。这一次，在哈特尔浦、唐卡斯特、贝恩斯利和布莱克浦等地，超过三分之二的投票者支持退欧。
　　Parts of the north, notably city centres, have recovered from deindustrialisation, but the region’s economic output per head remains 12 about 25 per cent below the average for the rest of England. The north lags behind in health, life expectancy 13, employment, earnings 14 and productivity.
　　英格兰北部的部分地区（特别是中心城市）已从去工业化中复苏，但该地区的人均经济产出仍较英格兰其他地区的平均水平低25%左右。在健康状况、预期寿命、就业、收入和生产率方面，北部地区处于落后地位。
　　The Brexit vote highlighted a criticism of the Northern Powerhouse: that it benefits cities more than small towns and rural areas. Mr Osborne’s aim was to improve transport links and research collaboration 15 between cities such as Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Newcastle, areas thatwere among the few in the north that voted to stay in the EU. People elsewhere in the north fear being left even further behind.
　　退欧公投突显出针对“北部振兴计划”的批评：比起小城镇和乡村地区，城市地区受益更大。奥斯本的目标是改善利物浦、曼彻斯特、利兹和纽卡斯尔等城市之间的交通联系和研究协作——这些城市是英格兰北部少数几个支持留在欧盟的地区。北部其他地区的人们担心自己所在地区以后会落后得更多。
　　Understandable as those concerns may be, it would be wrong to backpedal on the Northern Powerhouse or its equivalent, the “Midlands Engine”. These regions have suffered too often abortive 16 plans. There is substantial business support for the schemes involved and crucial infrastructure 17 decisions, notably on a trans-Pennine fast rail link and road tunnel are yet to be made.
　　那些担忧或许可以理解，但在“北部振兴计划”上变卦将是错误的。相关项目获得了企业的大力支持，而关键的基础设施决定迄今仍未做出。
　　The challenge is this: can the initiative develop in a way that benefits the whole area? Better transport links between and within city regions will help give more people access to jobs in cities. And what is needed in addition is a stronger drive to improve skills and education across the north, which has too few high-skilled workers and too many low-skilled ones. According to think-tank ResPublica, the north’s proportion of residents with higher-level qualifications (31 per cent) is below the national average (36 per cent) and significantly behind London (49 per cent).
　　挑战在于，“北部振兴计划”能以让整个地区受益的方式来推进吗？城市区域之间以及城市内部的交通改善将有助于让更多的人在城市工作。此外我们还需要加大努力提高整个北部地区的技能和教育水平——北部地区的高技能工人太少，而低技能工人太多。智库ResPublica的数据显示，北部地区拥有中高级资格证书的居民比例为31%，低于全国平均水平的36%，更是远远落后于伦敦的49%。
　　Skills are harder for politicians to influence than trains and roads, but the north will not catch up without this. The northIt struggles to attract high-calibre teachers: a pay premium 18 for teachers teachers those in poorer areas would help. Northern Its secondary schools have, on average, funding of ￡1,300 less per pupil than those in London, according to the IPPR North think-tank.
　　对政客们来说，比起火车和道路，要在技能上施加影响更加困难，但缺乏技术，北部地区就无法追赶其他地区。北部地区很难吸引高水准的教师：提高较贫困地区的教师薪资将会有所帮助。智库IPPR North的数据显示，北部地区中学在每位学生身上平均所花经费比伦敦少1300英镑。
　　School standards need a concerted focus by mayors, council leaders and headteachers. That requires restoring local democratic influence over independent state-funded academies: it makes little sense to devolve powers over transport, health, skills and planning while centralising control of schools. The north’s revival 19 cannot be fashioned in Whitehall.
　　提高学校水平需要市长、市议会领导人和校长的共同关注。这需要恢复地方民主对独立的政府拨款的学术机构的影响：移交交通、医疗、技能和规划方面的权力同时集中控制着学校谈不上明智。北部地区的复兴不可能由白厅来完成。