世界上最伟大的演讲--Peace in the Atomic Age 原子能时代的和平

Peace in the Atomic Age 原子能时代的和平

I am grateful to you for the opportunity to express my conviction in this most important political question.

The idea of achieving security through national armament is, at the present state of military technique, a disastrous 1 illusion. On the part of the United States this illusion has been particularly fostered by the fact that this country succeeded first in producing an atomic bomb. The belief seemed to prevail that in the end it were possible to achieve decisive military superiority.

In this way, any potential opponent would be intimidated 2, and security, so ardently 3 desired by all of us, brought to us and all of humanity. The maxim 4 which we have been following during these last five years has been, in short: security through superior military power, whatever the cost.

The armament race between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R., originally supposed to be a preventive measure, assumes hysterical 5 character. On both sides, the means to mass destruction are perfected with feverish 6 haste - behind the respective walls of secrecy 7. The H-bomb appears on the public horizon as a probably attainable 8 goal.

If successful, radioactive poisoning of the atmosphere and hence annihilation of any life on earth has been brought within the range of technical possibilities. The ghostlike character of this development lies in its apparently 9 compulsory 10 trend. Every step appears as the unavoidable consequence of the preceding one. In the end, it beckons 11 more and more clearly general annihilation.

Is there any way out of this impasse 12 created by man himself? All of us, and particularly those who are responsible for the attitude of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., should realized that we may have vanquished 13 an external enemy, but have been incapable 14 of getting rid of the mentality 15 created by the war.

It is impossible to achieve peaces as long as every single action is taken with a possible future conflict in view. The leading point of view of all political action should therefore be: What can we do to bring about a peaceful co-existence and even loyal cooperation of the nations?

The first problem is to do away with mutual 16 fear and distrust. Solemn renunciation of violence (not only with respect to means of mass destruction) is undoubtedly 17 necessary.

Such renunciation, however, can only be effective if at the same time a supra-national judicial 18 and executive body is set up empowered to decide questions of immediate 19 concern to the security of the nations. Even a declaration of the nations to collaborate 20 loyally in the realization 21 of such a "restricted world government" would considerably 22 reduce the imminent 23 danger of war.

In the last analysis, every kind of peaceful cooperation among men is primarily based on mutual trust and only secondly 24 on institutions such as courts of justice and police. This holds for nations as well as for individuals. And the basis of trust is loyal give and take.

原子能时代的和平

【美国】爱因斯坦（1879～1955）

     爱国斯坦，著名物理学家。生于德国，1933年迁居美国。本篇阐述了原子能武器对人类的威胁。呼吁美苏两霸放弃武力。

     感谢你们使我有机会就这个最重要的政治问题发表意见。

     在军事技术已发展到目前状况的今天，加强国家军备以保证安全的想法，只是一个会带来灾难后果的幻想。美国首先制成了原子弹，所以特别容易抱有这种幻想。看来多数人相信，美国最终可能在军事上取得决定性的优势。

     这样，任何潜在的敌人就会被震慑，而我们和全人类就可以得到大家所热望的安全了。我们近五年来一直信守的格言，简而言之，就是：不惜一切代价，通过得到军事力量的优势以保证安全。

     美国与苏联之间的军备竞赛，最初只是作为一种防止战争的手段，现在已经带有歇斯底里的性质。在保证安全的漂亮帷幕后面，双方都以狂热的速度改善大规模的破坏手段，在人们的眼光里，制成氢弹似乎已是可能达到的目标。

     一旦达到这个目标，大气层的放射性污染以及由此导致地球上一切生命的灭绝，从技术角度而言将成为可能。这种发展的可怕之处在于它已明显地成为不可遏止的趋势。第一步必然引出第二步。最后，越来越清楚地，必然招致全人类的普遍灭绝。

     人类自己走进的这条死胡同还有出路吗？我们所有人，特别是那些对美国和苏联的立场负责的人，应该认识到：我们可能战胜外部的敌人，但却不可能消除由战争产生的那种精神状态。

     如果每采取一项行动都考虑将来可能要发生冲突，那么要取得和平便是不可能的。因此，一切政治行动的指导思想应该是：为了实现国与国之间的和平共存甚至真诚合作，我们能做些什么？

     首先要做到的是去除双方的恐惧和猜疑。郑重宣布废弃使用武力 （不仅是废弃大规模的破坏手段），无疑是必要的。

     然而，只有同时成立一个超国家的司法和执行机构，使它有权决定直接关系到各国安全的问题，才能有效地废绝使用武力。即使是各国发表共同宣言，保证忠诚地通力合作，使成立这样一个 “权力有限的世界政府”得以实现，也会大为缓和战争发生的危险。

     总括地说，一切人类和平分作的基础首先是相互信任，其次才是法庭和警察一类的机构。对于个人是这样，对于国家也是这样。信任的基础是：取和予都要正直忠实。