时间:2019-02-23 作者:英语课 分类:英语语言学习


英语课
I think it's safe to say that all humans will be intimate with death at least once in their lives. But what if that intimacy 1 began long before you faced your own transition from life into death? What would life be like if the dead literally 2 lived alongside you?
 
In my husband's homeland in the highlands of Sulawesi island in eastern Indonesia, there is a community of people that experience death not as a singular event but as a gradual social process. In Tana Toraja, the most important social moments in people's lives, the focal points of social and cultural interaction are not weddings or births or even family dinners, but funerals. So these funerals are characterized by elaborate rituals that tie people in a system of reciprocal debt based on the amount of animals -- pigs, chickens and, most importantly, water buffalo 3 -- that are sacrificed and distributed in the name of the deceased. So this cultural complex surrounding death, the ritual enactment 4 of the end of life, has made death the most visible and remarkable 5 aspect of Toraja's landscape. Lasting 6 anywhere from a few days to a few weeks, funeral ceremonies are a raucous 7 affair, where commemorating 8 someone who's died is not so much a private sadness but more of a publicly shared transition. And it's a transition that's just as much about the identity of the living as it is about remembrance of the dead.
 
So every year, thousands of visitors come to Tana Toraja to see, as it were, this culture of death, and for many people these grandiose 9 ceremonies and the length of the ceremonies are somehow incommensurable with the way that we face our own mortality in the West. So even as we share death as a universal experience, it's not experienced the same way the world over. And as an anthropologist 10, I see these differences in experience being rooted in the cultural and social world through which we define the phenomena 11 around us. So where we see an unquestionable reality, death as an irrefutable biological condition, Torajans see the expired corporeal 12 form as part of a larger social genesis. So again, the physical cessation of life is not the same as death. In fact, a member of society is only truly dead when the extended family can agree upon and marshal the resources necessary to hold a funeral ceremony that is considered appropriate in terms of resources for the status of the deceased. And this ceremony has to take place in front of the eyes of the whole community with everyone's participation 13.
 
So after a person's physical death, their body is placed in a special room in the traditional residence, which is called the tongkonan. And the tongkonan is symbolic 14 not only of the family's identity but also of the human life cycle from birth to death. So essentially 15, the shape of the building that you're born into is the shape of the structure which carries you to your ancestral resting place. Until the funeral ceremony, which can be held years after a person's physical death, the deceased is referred to as "to makala," a sick person, or "to mama," a person who is asleep, and they continue to be a member of the household. They are symbolically 16 fed and cared for, and the family at this time will begin a number of ritual injunctions, which communicates to the wider community around them that one of their members is undergoing the transition from this life into the afterlife known as Puya.
 
So I know what some of you must be thinking right now. Is she really saying that these people live with the bodies of their dead relatives? And that's exactly what I'm saying.
 
 
 
But instead of giving in to the sort of visceral reaction we have to this idea of proximity 17 to bodies, proximity to death, or how this notion just does not fit into our very biological or medical sort of definition of death, I like to think about what the Torajan way of viewing death encompasses 19 of the human experience that the medical definition leaves out. I think that Torajans socially recognize and culturally express what many of us feel to be true despite the widespread acceptance of the biomedical definition of death, and that is that our relationships with other humans, their impact on our social reality, doesn't cease with the termination of the physical processes of the body, that there's a period of transition as the relationship between the living and the dead is transformed but not ended. So Torajans express this idea of this enduring relationship by lavishing 20 love and attention on the most visible symbol of that relationship, the human body. So my husband has fond memories of talking to and playing with and generally being around his deceased grandfather, and for him there is nothing unnatural 21 about this. This is a natural part of the process as the family comes to terms with the transition in their relationship to the deceased, and this is the transition from relating to the deceased as a person who's living to relating to the deceased as a person who's an ancestor.
 

And here you can see these wooden effigies 22 of the ancestors, so these are people who have already been buried, already had a funeral ceremony. These are called tau tau.
 
So the funeral ceremony itself embodies 23 this relational perspective on death. It ritualizes the impact of death on families and communities.
 
And it's also a moment of self-awareness. It's a moment when people think about who they are, their place in society, and their role in the life cycle in accordance with Torajan cosmology.
 
There's a saying in Toraja that all people will become grandparents, and what this means is that after death, we all become part of the ancestral line that anchors us between the past and the present and will define who our loved ones are into the future. So essentially, we all become grandparents to the generations of human children that come after us. And this metaphor 24 of membership in the greater human family is the way that children also describe the money that they invest in these sacrificial buffaloes 25 that are thought to carry people's soul from here to the afterlife, and children will explain that they will invest the money in this because they want to repay their parents the debt for all of the years their parents spent investing and caring for them.
 
But the sacrifice of buffalo and the ritual display of wealth also exhibits the status of the deceased, and, by extension, the deceased's family. So at funerals, relationships are reconfirmed but also transformed in a ritual drama that highlights the most salient feature about death in this place: its impact on life and the relationships of the living.
 
So all of this focus on death doesn't mean that Torajans don't aspire 26 to the ideal of a long life. They engage in many practices thought to confer good health and survival to an advanced age. But they don't put much stock in efforts to prolong life in the face of debilitating 27 illness or in old age. It's said in Toraja that everybody has sort of a predetermined amount of life. It's called the sunga'. And like a thread, it should be allowed to unspool to its natural end.
 
So by having death as a part of the cultural and social fabric 28 of life, people's everyday decisions about their health and healthcare are affected 29. The patriarch of my husband's maternal 30 clan 31, Nenet Katcha, is now approaching the age of 100, as far as we can tell. And there are increasing signs that he is about to depart on his own journey for Puya. And his death will be greatly mourned. But I know that my husband's family looks forward to the moment when they can ritually display what his remarkable presence has meant to their lives, when they can ritually recount his life's narrative 32, weaving his story into the history of their community. His story is their story. His funeral songs will sing them a song about themselves. And it's a story that has no discernible beginning, no foreseeable end. It's a story that goes on long after his body no longer does.
 
People ask me if I'm frightened or repulsed 33 by participating in a culture where the physical manifestations 34 of death greet us at every turn. But I see something profoundly transformative in experiencing death as a social process and not just a biological one. In reality, the relationship between the living and the dead has its own drama in the U.S. healthcare system, where decisions about how long to stretch the thread of life are made based on our emotional and social ties with the people around us, not just on medicine's ability to prolong life. We, like the Torajans, base our decisions about life on the meanings and the definitions that we ascribe to death.
 
So I'm not suggesting that anyone in this audience should run out and adopt the traditions of the Torajans. It might be a little bit difficult to put into play in the United States. But I want to ask what we can gain from seeing physical death not only as a biological process but as part of the greater human story. What would it be like to look on the expired human form with love because it's so intimately a part of who we all are? If we could expand our definition of death to encompass 18 life, we could experience death as part of life and perhaps face death with something other than fear. Perhaps one of the answers to the challenges that are facing the U.S. healthcare system, particularly in the end-of-life care, is as simple as a shift in perspective, and the shift in perspective in this case would be to look at the social life of every death. It might help us recognize that the way we limit our conversation about death to something that's medical or biological is reflective of a larger culture that we all share of avoiding death, being afraid of talking about it. If we could entertain and value other kinds of knowledge about life, including other definitions of death, it has the potential to change the discussions that we have about the end of life. It could change the way that we die, but more importantly, it could transform the way that we live.

n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行
  • His claims to an intimacy with the President are somewhat exaggerated.他声称自己与总统关系密切,这有点言过其实。
  • I wish there were a rule book for intimacy.我希望能有个关于亲密的规则。
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实
  • He translated the passage literally.他逐字逐句地翻译这段文字。
  • Sometimes she would not sit down till she was literally faint.有时候,她不走到真正要昏厥了,决不肯坐下来。
n.(北美)野牛;(亚洲)水牛
  • Asian buffalo isn't as wild as that of America's. 亚洲水牛比美洲水牛温顺些。
  • The boots are made of buffalo hide. 这双靴子是由水牛皮制成的。
n.演出,担任…角色;制订,通过
  • Enactment refers to action.演出指行为的表演。
  • We support the call for the enactment of a Bill of Rights.我们支持要求通过《权利法案》的呼声。
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的
  • She has made remarkable headway in her writing skills.她在写作技巧方面有了长足进步。
  • These cars are remarkable for the quietness of their engines.这些汽车因发动机没有噪音而不同凡响。
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持
  • The lasting war debased the value of the dollar.持久的战争使美元贬值。
  • We hope for a lasting settlement of all these troubles.我们希望这些纠纷能获得永久的解决。
adj.(声音)沙哑的,粗糙的
  • I heard sounds of raucous laughter upstairs.我听见楼上传来沙哑的笑声。
  • They heard a bottle being smashed,then more raucous laughter.他们听见酒瓶摔碎的声音,然后是一阵更喧闹的笑声。
v.纪念,庆祝( commemorate的现在分词 )
  • He was presented with a scroll commemorating his achievements. 他被授予一幅卷轴,以表彰其所做出的成就。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • The post office issued a series commemorating famous American entertainers. 邮局发行了一个纪念美国著名演艺人员的系列邮票。 来自互联网
adj.宏伟的,宏大的,堂皇的,铺张的
  • His grandiose manner impressed those who met him for the first time.他那种夸大的举止给第一次遇见他的人留下了深刻的印象。
  • As the fog vanished,a grandiose landscape unfolded before the tourists.雾气散去之后,一幅壮丽的景观展现在游客面前。
n.人类学家,人类学者
  • The lecturer is an anthropologist.这位讲师是人类学家。
  • The anthropologist unearthed the skull of an ancient human at the site.人类学家在这个遗址挖掘出那块古人类的颅骨。
n.现象
  • Ade couldn't relate the phenomena with any theory he knew.艾德无法用他所知道的任何理论来解释这种现象。
  • The object of these experiments was to find the connection,if any,between the two phenomena.这些实验的目的就是探索这两种现象之间的联系,如果存在着任何联系的话。
adj.肉体的,身体的;物质的
  • The body is the corporeal habitation of the soul.身体为灵魂之有形寓所。
  • He is very religious;corporeal world has little interest for him.他虔信宗教,对物质上的享受不感兴趣。
n.参与,参加,分享
  • Some of the magic tricks called for audience participation.有些魔术要求有观众的参与。
  • The scheme aims to encourage increased participation in sporting activities.这个方案旨在鼓励大众更多地参与体育活动。
adj.象征性的,符号的,象征主义的
  • It is symbolic of the fighting spirit of modern womanhood.它象征着现代妇女的战斗精神。
  • The Christian ceremony of baptism is a symbolic act.基督教的洗礼仪式是一种象征性的做法。
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上
  • Really great men are essentially modest.真正的伟人大都很谦虚。
  • She is an essentially selfish person.她本质上是个自私自利的人。
ad.象征地,象征性地
  • By wearing the ring on the third finger of the left hand, a married couple symbolically declares their eternal love for each other. 将婚戒戴在左手的第三只手指上,意味着夫妻双方象征性地宣告他们的爱情天长地久,他们定能白头偕老。
  • Symbolically, he coughed to clear his throat. 周经理象征地咳一声无谓的嗽,清清嗓子。
n.接近,邻近
  • Marriages in proximity of blood are forbidden by the law.法律规定禁止近亲结婚。
  • Their house is in close proximity to ours.他们的房子很接近我们的。
vt.围绕,包围;包含,包括;完成
  • The course will encompass physics,chemistry and biology.课程将包括物理、化学和生物学。
  • The project will encompass rural and underdeveloped areas in China.这项工程将覆盖中国的农村和不发达地区。
v.围绕( encompass的第三人称单数 );包围;包含;包括
  • The job encompasses a wide range of responsibilities. 这项工作涉及的职责范围很广。
  • Its conservation law encompasses both its magnitude and its direction. 它的守恒定律包括大小和方向两方面。 来自辞典例句
v.过分给予,滥施( lavish的现在分词 )
  • With the private sector sitting on its hands, Western governments are lavishing subsidies on CCS. 只有一些私营部门使用碳截存技术,西方政府在这项技术上挥霍了不少的津贴。 来自互联网
  • We were lavishing a little respect on China, which always works well with China. 我们给予中国一点尊重,而这样做对中国来说,通常都很受用。 来自互联网
adj.不自然的;反常的
  • Did her behaviour seem unnatural in any way?她有任何反常表现吗?
  • She has an unnatural smile on her face.她脸上挂着做作的微笑。
n.(人的)雕像,模拟像,肖像( effigy的名词复数 )
  • stone effigies in the church 教堂里的石雕像
  • On 5 November British children burn effigies of Guy Fawkes. 每逢11月5日英国儿童都焚烧盖伊.福克斯的模拟像。 来自辞典例句
v.表现( embody的第三人称单数 );象征;包括;包含
  • The new treaty embodies the aspirations of most nonaligned countries. 新条约体现了大多数不结盟国家的愿望。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • This document embodies the concern of the government for the deformity. 这个文件体现了政府对残疾人的关怀。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
n.隐喻,暗喻
  • Using metaphor,we say that computers have senses and a memory.打个比方,我们可以说计算机有感觉和记忆力。
  • In poetry the rose is often a metaphor for love.玫瑰在诗中通常作为爱的象征。
n.水牛(分非洲水牛和亚洲水牛两种)( buffalo的名词复数 );(南非或北美的)野牛;威胁;恐吓
  • Some medieval towns raced donkeys or buffaloes. 有些中世纪的城市用驴子或水牛竞赛。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • Water buffaloes supply Egypt with more meat than any other domestic animal. 水牛提供给埃及的肉比任何其它动物都要多。 来自辞典例句
vi.(to,after)渴望,追求,有志于
  • Living together with you is what I aspire toward in my life.和你一起生活是我一生最大的愿望。
  • I aspire to be an innovator not a follower.我迫切希望能变成个开创者而不是跟随者。
a.使衰弱的
  • The debilitating disease made him too weak to work. 这个令他衰弱的病,使他弱到没有办法工作。
  • You may soon leave one debilitating condition or relationship forever. 你即将永远地和这段霉运说拜拜了。
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织
  • The fabric will spot easily.这种织品很容易玷污。
  • I don't like the pattern on the fabric.我不喜欢那块布料上的图案。
adj.不自然的,假装的
  • She showed an affected interest in our subject.她假装对我们的课题感到兴趣。
  • His manners are affected.他的态度不自然。
adj.母亲的,母亲般的,母系的,母方的
  • He is my maternal uncle.他是我舅舅。
  • The sight of the hopeless little boy aroused her maternal instincts.那个绝望的小男孩的模样唤起了她的母性。
n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派
  • She ranks as my junior in the clan.她的辈分比我小。
  • The Chinese Christians,therefore,practically excommunicate themselves from their own clan.所以,中国的基督徒简直是被逐出了自己的家族了。
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的
  • He was a writer of great narrative power.他是一位颇有记述能力的作家。
  • Neither author was very strong on narrative.两个作者都不是很善于讲故事。
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝
  • I was repulsed by the horrible smell. 这种可怕的气味让我恶心。
  • At the first brush,the enemy was repulsed. 敌人在第一次交火时就被击退了。 来自《简明英汉词典》
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式)
  • These were manifestations of the darker side of his character. 这些是他性格阴暗面的表现。 来自《简明英汉词典》
  • To be wordly-wise and play safe is one of the manifestations of liberalism. 明哲保身是自由主义的表现之一。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
学英语单词
5-oxoprolinuria
across impact matrix
air circulating rate
all else being equal
ammorosine
antihaplons
arteria centralis retinae
attention-seeker
balaclava helmet
block bottom bag
blow-out of spark
boundary estimate message
brookners
Campo Esperanza
celith (celite)
chatter time
chemical drains collecting circuit
compound amount of l yuan
cornerly
cotillage
curcas oil
danya
DAZIX
determine to
discusin
drank to
dysgerminema
electronically tunable optical filter
endocardial heart tube
equine rhinopneumonitis
esoprone
ethyldiphenylphosphine
fathomes
Fifth Avenue
flare signal rocket
flexural center
gazpacho
general announcing system
giddy
greenway
guiding center approximation
Halo-kieserite
hayton
Hazelwood
heptacontagons
home submap
hook slide
hyper-threading
hyperspherical
inside dope
internal control objective
isometeoric line
It is quite another story.
ko chuang (ch'iang tsu)
lesser palatine nerves
lipoviroparticles
loopie
marine mammal oil
media interview
monochromattism
moquades
Mount Norris
mutually orthogonal
Nastenon
nudiflorous
occulation
odible
ohno
okinalin
orthogonal experiment
pelvic exenteration
pemphigus foliaceus antigen
phosphatidalserine
plexogenic
plicae interureterica
porokeratosis of toe
pre-commencement expenditure
pressure-tight casting
pseudoprostyle building
pull-off strength
range converter
reshaper
respond
romaics
rotation chuck
saw you
scortation
secondary finder
shootouts
side span
sine of the third order
sisler
spatial acuity
the quaternary
Triticum secale
UDPG-4-epimerase
uninitiate
uralenin
use to ...?
utility theory
vitreous silica fibre
West Wind Drift