愤怒的选民从哪里来 去往哪里

 　　In 1989, a few months before the Berlin Wall fell, I visited a frozen food factory in Grimsby, on the north-east coast of England.

　　1989年，在柏林墙倒塌前几个月，我拜访了英格兰东北海岸格里姆斯比的一家冷冻食品厂。
　　It was run by Birds Eye Wall’s, then owned by Unilever, and it had just won an award for industrial harmony.
　　这家由当时隶属联合利华(Unilever)旗下的Birds Eye Wall’s运营的工厂，当时刚刚因劳资关系和谐得到了奖赏。
　　The workers had agreed to job cuts and to work in teams, retraining and raising productivity in return for higher wages.
　　该工厂的工人们当时同意以工作裁减、组队工作、再培训和提高生产率，换取涨薪。
　　Employees of Birds Eye in Kirkby, Merseyside, had rejected the same challenge and their factory was being shut.
　　Birds Eye在默西塞德郡柯比市的雇员拒绝了同样的挑战，他们的工厂被关闭。
　　Grimsby’s escape did not last.
　　格里姆斯比工厂并未幸免多久。
　　Unilever finally declared the factory too small and inefficient 1 and closed it in 2005; the abandoned building later caught fire.
　　联合利华最终宣布，该工厂规模太小、效率太低，在2005年将其关闭；遭废弃的工厂后来失了火。
　　Unilever went on to sell Birds Eye to Permira, a private equity 2 group, which merged 3 it with other European frozen food businesses.
　　联合利华接着将Birds Eye出售给了私人股本集团Permira，后来Permira将Birds Eye与其他欧洲冷冻食品企业合并了起来。
　　I thought of that ruined factory in June when the citizens of Grimsby voted by one of the highest majorities for Britain to leave the EU, and again last week as Donald Trump 4 was elected US president.
　　今年6月格里姆斯比以位居全国前列的高得票比例支持英国退出欧盟时，以及不久前唐纳德.特朗普(Donald Trump)当选美国总统时，我都想到了那座废弃的工厂。
　　Its experience has been repeated in many places since 1989 with the loosening of barriers to trade and migration 5, and the unleashing 6 of globalisation.
　　自1989年以来，随着贸易和移民壁垒放松以及全球化的发展，该工厂的经历在许多地方重演。
　　Among them are the former steel towns of western Pennsylvania, which rejected Hillary Clinton.
　　其中包括宾夕法尼亚西部那些曾经的钢铁城镇，那些城镇没有支持希拉里.克林顿(Hillary Clinton)。
　　Take Johnstown in Cambria County, east of Pittsburgh, where there was once a Bethlehem Steel plant making railroad carriages.
　　拿匹兹堡以东的坎布里亚县来说，这里曾有一家制造铁路车厢的伯利恒钢铁(Bethlehem Steel)工厂。
　　More than 12,000 people worked there in the late 1970s but by the time it closed in 2007 only 390 were left.
　　在上世纪70年代末，逾1.2万人在这里工作，但到2007年关闭的时候，该厂仅剩下390人。
　　Pittsburgh, which voted for Mrs Clinton, is a shining example of how a cosmopolitan 7 city can recover from the loss of manufacturing.
　　投票支持希拉里的匹兹堡是一个极好的例子，表明一个国际大都市如何能从制造业的衰败中复苏。
　　Steelmaking has been succeeded by health and other services, clustered around Carnegie Mellon University.
　　钢铁制造业被聚集在卡耐基梅隆大学(Carnegie Mellon University)周围的医疗和其他服务行业取代。
　　But small town Pennsylvania still hurts and Mr Trump won Cambria County easily.
　　但宾夕法尼亚的小城镇仍在承受伤痛，特朗普轻松地拿下了坎布里亚县。
　　Trump voters had many motives 8, from hostility 9 to immigration, to anger at wage stagnation 10, to rejection 11 of social liberalism.
　　支持特朗普的选民们动机各异，从敌视移民、对薪资停滞不满到拒绝社会自由主义。
　　Most were not poor: a majority of those earning less than $50,000 per year backed Mrs Clinton.
　　大多数人并不穷：绝大多数年收入不足5万美元的人都支持希拉里。
　　But much of their resentment 12, and others’ enthusiasm for Brexit, seems to me to originate on the factory floor, especially manufacturing plants in places such as Johnstown and Grimsby that are now gone.
　　但在我看来，他们的怨恨以及其他人对英国退欧的热情支持在很大程度上似乎起源于工厂，尤其是约翰斯敦和格里姆斯比等地方如今已不复存在的制造业工厂。
　　It speaks to the loss not only of jobs but agency: the control that mid-tier employees used to have over their working lives.
　　他们的怨恨反映的不仅是工作的失去，还有手段的失去：中层雇员曾经拥有能够掌控自己职业生活的手段。
　　They once had greater bargaining power: it was harder for companies to impose changes in how they worked when many factories were unionised and moving production to other places was difficult.
　　他们曾经拥有更强的讨价还价的能力：在那个许多工厂建立了工会，并且生产很难转移到其他地区的时代，公司更难迫使他们改变工作方式。
　　When the walls came down, capital became more powerful and more mobile; there was always a ready alternative.
　　当一道道墙倒塌，资本变得更有力量、更机动灵活，就总是不缺现成的替代选择了。
　　The experience of those two factories was typical: a steady intensification 13 of managers’ demands on workers with limited or obsolescent 14 skills, with the threat of work being taken to a greenfield site, or the far side of the world.
　　那两个工厂的经历非常典型：管理者对技能有限或过时的工人要求得越来越严格，同时威胁要把工厂迁往一个全新厂址或世界另一边。
　　If they could not get what they wanted, private equity restructuring loomed 15.
　　如果他们得不到自己想要的，私人股本就有可能介入，对工厂实施重组。
　　The world split into those for whom mobility 16 was a threat and those for whom it was an opportunity.
　　世界分裂成两派，一派认为机动性是威胁，另一派则认为是机遇。
　　Birds Eye is now owned by Nomad 17 Foods Europe.
　　Birds Eye现在隶属Nomad Foods Europe旗下。
　　Its executives are elite 18 nomads 19 of various nationalities, who have worked from Athens to Houston.
　　Nomad Foods Europe的高管是国籍各异、辗转世界的国际精英，在从雅典到休斯顿等不同地方工作过。
　　People not educated at business schools or trained to run global supply chains have had a tougher time, losing jobs and having benefits stripped.
　　没有念过商学院或接受过全球供应链管理方面训练的人们经历了一个较困难的时期，失去了工作，福利减少。
　　Their losses have torn through communities, making them receptive to Mr Trump’s fierce gospel of social conservatism and economic restoration.
　　他们的损失导致社区分裂，让他们容易接受特朗普宣扬的社会保守主义和经济复苏的极端信条。
　　There are many holes in his signature plan to employ Americans to build a southern border wall and make Mexico pay for it but it has a brute 20 symbolism.
　　特朗普的标志性计划，即雇佣美国人在南部边境建造高墙并让墨西哥买单，是个有许多漏洞的计划，但它有着极具冲击力的象征意义。
　　To people who experienced the opposite — US consumers paying for jobs and facilities in Mexico — it is justice.
　　对那些经历过相反事情（即，美国消费者为墨西哥的工作和设施买单）的人来说，这就是正义。
　　Most economists 21 would say that taking back control by building walls and ending international trade deals will not have the intended effect.
　　大多数经济学家会说，通过建起高墙和取消国际贸易协议来夺回控制权将事与愿违。
　　It will not return steelmaking to Pennsylvania or food processing to Grimsby.
　　这种做法不会让钢铁制造业回到宾夕法尼亚，也不会让食品加工业回到格里姆斯比。
　　Mr Trump is a showman, not a magician.
　　特朗普善于作秀，但他不是魔术师。
　　But part of his message made sense, and companies would be foolish to ignore it.
　　但他传达出的部分信息是明智的，企业忽视这一点将是愚蠢的。
　　Capital and labour mobility have produced big benefits for consumers, and for citizens in low income economies, in the past three decades.
　　在过去30年里，资本和劳动力流动极大地造福了消费者和低收入经济中的民众。
　　They have given less to non-elite workers in wealthy economies, and have sapped their sense of security.
　　这种流动带给富裕经济体中非精英工人的好处则较少，而且削弱了他们的安全感。
　　Building walls is a bad idea but making capital work more productively for those in abandoned places is a good one.
　　建起高墙是一个糟糕的想法，但让资本更有效地服务于那些被遗弃地区的人们是个好主意。
　　It is essential if people whose economic voices have been muted are not to wield 22 their political votes against liberalism.
　　重要的是，要保证经济上失去话语权的人不会利用他们的政治投票反对自由主义。
　　The yearning 23 for companies to create decent jobs for local citizens is not nativism or prejudice: it is what those in Pittsburgh, London or New York already enjoy, alongside immigration.
　　渴望企业为当地居民创造体面工作不是本土保护主义或者偏见——在匹兹堡、伦敦或纽约，这一愿望已经得到了满足，这些城市同时还享受了移民带来的好处。
　　It is a founding purpose of business, lost in the rush to globalise.
　　实现这一愿望是企业成立的目的，在急匆匆奔向全球化的过程中，这个目的却丢失了。
　　How companies and communities achieve this aim is, of course, the hard part.
　　棘手的问题当然是企业和社区如何实现这个目标。
　　Intelligent rules and incentives 24 are needed to generate and to keep productive work, not to wall it off.
　　需要的是设计明智的规则和激励措施来创造和留住生产性工作，而不是建起高墙。
　　But it is dangerous that many employers no longer consider this their role.
　　但危险的是，许多雇主不再将这视为自己的责任。
　　Until they do, expect more Trumps 25.
　　在雇主们认识到这是他们的责任之前，预计还会有更多特朗普式人物出现。