经济学人125:政界中的巾帼英雄

 　　The distaff of office

　　政界中的巾帼英雄
　　More sisters, daughters and wives of powerful leaders are taking the top political jobs
　　越来越多伟大领袖的姐妹、女儿和妻子获得最高政治职位
　　Jul 7th 2011 | from the print edition
　　“LET’S hear it for Dubai!” Yingluck Shinawatra led the crowd’s roar of approval at a campaign stop in Thailand, leaving little doubt of where her political allegiances lie: the Gulf 1 city is home to her brother, the deposed 2 and exiled prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. “If you love my brother”, she said at another rally, “will you give his younger sister a chance?”
　　“为了迪拜，让我们听到它！”在泰国的一个竞选点，英拉??西那瓦领着众人为获胜而呐喊，但却让大家对她的政治立场心存一丝疑虑：她哥哥现在住在海湾城，免职流亡海外的前总理他信??西那瓦现在的居所。“如果你爱我的哥哥”，她在另一个集会说道：“你会给他的妹妹一次机会么？”
　　Ms Yingluck’s victory in Thailand’s general election on July 3rd is the latest example of an intriguing 3 and, it seems, growing trend: for the sisters, daughters and widows of former leaders to take over the family political business on the death, retirement 4 or—in Mr Thaksin’s case—exile of the founder 5. There are now more than 20 female relatives of former leaders active in national politics around the world. They include three presidents or prime ministers and at least half a dozen leaders of the opposition 6 or presidential candidates (see table). There are no historical numbers for proper comparison, but it is hard to think of another period—certainly no recent one—when so much dynastic authority has been flowing down the female line.
　　7月3日，英拉在泰国大选中获胜，这是最近一个实例，耐人寻味同时似乎也是一种趋势：前领导人的姐妹、女儿、妻子会在其死亡、退休或者——像他信这样——流亡海外之后，接管其政治地位。现在，世界范围内有超过20位前领导人的女性亲属活动在国家政治舞台上，她们包括三位总统或总理，至少6位反对党领导人或总统候选人（见下表）。虽然没有历史数据用于对比，但是很难想象这样一个时代——当然不是最近这个——当前所未有的王朝权利划归女性手里后会是什么样子。
　　Some of these women have made it on their own. Others are at last getting a fairer share of the dynastic privileges that used to accrue 7 to men. Family name confers brand recognition, useful contacts and financial contributions—all of which are vital in democracies, and become more so as retail 8 politics become more important. So America has not only its Bush and Kennedy clans 9, but the Daley family of Chicago, the Cuomos of New York, the Udalls of the Rocky Mountain states. As politics becomes more professional and specialised —with politicians increasingly knowing no other walk of life—the advantages of being brought up in its ways and wiles 10 grow greater. Violet Bonham Carter, daughter of H.H. Asquith, a British prime minister, told Winston Churchill that her father had talked to her about affairs of state as a child. “I wish I could have had such talks with mine,” was Churchill’s reply, of his austere 11 parent. Many of today’s political daughters have Lady Violet’s advantages.
　　有些女性靠自己的努力获得政治地位，其他人最终获得原本属于男性的王朝特权更加公平的分配。家族姓氏给予了品牌认知、有用的社会关系和经济贡献——所有的一切在民主政治中至关重要，并且其重要性随着传播政治重要性的增长而增长。因此，美国不仅仅只是布什家族和肯尼迪家族，同时也有芝加哥的戴利家族、纽约的库莫斯家族、位于落基山附近的几个州的乌达儿家族。当政治变得更专业和专门化——当政客们对其他行业越来越不了解——他们成长方式和圆滑的优势会越来越明显。曾任英国首相的赫伯特??亨利??阿斯奎斯之女，维奥利特??邦汉??卡特告诉温斯顿??丘吉尔，她父亲在其孩童时代就经常和她谈论国家政治事务。“我希望我父亲也能这样和我聊聊国家政治。”丘吉尔回答道，想起了他严厉的父亲。当今，很多政治家的女儿们都拥有维奥利特女士的优势。
　　Power behind, and on, the throne
　　从韬光养晦到崭露头角
　　In the past, widows or daughters inherited their position. Sonia Gandhi, president of India’s ruling Congress party, is the widow of Rajiv, a former prime minister and scion 12 of the Gandhi dynasty founded by Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister, which descended 13 through his daughter, Indira. This set a pattern in South Asia. In Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga, president from 1994 to 2005, has the unusual distinction that not one but both parents served as prime minister. In Bangladesh the leaders of the main political parties, called the “battling Begums”, are each related—one, the widow, the other, a daughter—to the first two presidents of the country.
　　以前，遗孀或女儿继承她们丈夫或父亲的政治职位。印度国大党主席索尼娅??甘地是拉吉夫??甘地的妻子，拉吉夫是印度前总理同时也是甘地家族的子孙，甘地家族的创建者是印度开国总理贾瓦哈拉尔??尼赫鲁，随后其女英迪拉??甘地继任总理之位。这在南亚形成了一种模式，在斯里兰卡，于1994年至2005年间任总统的钱德里卡??班达拉奈克??库马拉通加，区别于他人的异常之处在于，不仅仅是她的父亲或母亲一人担任总理，而是父母两人均担任过总理。孟加拉国主要政党的领导人，被称作为“战斗的贵妇人”，都与开国两位总统有关——哈西娜是孟加拉国“国父”谢赫??穆吉布??拉赫曼的女儿；齐亚则是孟加拉国前军人总统齐亚??拉赫曼的妻子。
　　In South-East Asia, Aung San Suu Kyi owes her moral authority not only to her courage in standing 14 up to the Burmese army, but also to her family: her father, Aung San, led Burma’s independence movement. When Indonesia was seeking a new start after the removal of its long serving dictator, Suharto, it turned to Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of the man he overthrew 15. In the Philippines the past three presidents have been the widow of an opposition leader (Corazon Aquino), the daughter of a president (Gloria Macapagal Arroyo) and Corazon’s son, Noynoy (none of his four sisters has gone into politics). And in case you think widows matter only in such rickety democracies as the Philippines and South Asia, consider that in America, eight senators and 38 Congresswomen have directly succeeded their husbands in their seats since 1921.
　　在东南亚，昂山素季的道德权威不但归功于坚决抵抗缅甸军队的勇气，还源自于她的家庭：她的父亲，领导缅甸进行独立运动的昂山。当印度尼西亚在经历苏哈托的长期独裁统治后，开始寻求新的开始时，众人将目光转向梅加瓦蒂??苏加诺，其父亲任总统时被苏哈托推翻。在菲律宾，上三届总统是反对党领导人的遗孀（科拉松??阿基诺）、前总统的女儿（格洛丽亚??马卡帕加尔??阿罗约）以及科拉松的儿子诺诺??阿基诺（他四个姐妹都未从政）。如果你认为遗孀问题只是存在于民主如此脆弱的国家，如菲律宾和南亚，那么再想想美国的情况，自1921年以来，共有8为参议员和38位众议院女议员直接继承她们丈夫在参议院和众议院的席位。
　　At the moment several new factors are combining to favour the distaff side more. In the West it is no longer exceptional for women such as Martine Aubry or Marine 16 Le Pen to run for the highest office. In Asian countries it now seems easier for a dynasty’s founder to pass over talentless playboys in favour of more intelligent and perceptive 17 daughters. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto did this when choosing Benazir to run his Pakistan People’s Party, overlooking his son, Murtaza, who was also a member of parliament. Thaksin Shinawatra’s choice of his youngest sister, Yingluck, rather than any of his seven other siblings—one of whom is a party leader—was similarly vindicated 18 by her performance on the stump 19.
　　此时，一些新的因素融合在一起，使得民众对女性政客更加偏爱。在西方，女性参加总统竞选已经不是例外了，诸如玛蒂娜??奥布里和玛琳??勒庞。在很多亚洲国家，建国立邦的领袖们似乎更倾向于将职位传给更加聪明知性的女儿们，而不再传给碌碌无为的花花公子们。佐勒菲卡尔??阿里??布托在为其创建的巴基斯坦人民党选择掌门人时，就是选择其女儿贝娜齐尔??布托，而并没有选择同样是国会议员的儿子穆尔塔扎??布托。他信??西那瓦选择他最小的妹妹英拉??西那瓦，而不是其他七个兄弟姐妹——其中一人是政党领导人——同样是由于英拉出色的游说演讲能力。
　　First daughters
　　第一女儿
　　In two countries, special factors explain the rise of political daughters. Park Geun-hye in South Korea and Keiko Fujimori in Peru got early starts in the family business: both had to step into their mother’s shoes and act as first lady while still at school. Ms Park’s mother was assassinated 20; Ms Fujimori’s parents divorced during her father’s presidency 21.
　　有两个国家，可以很好地解释女儿得以提升接替父亲的特殊原因。韩国的朴瑾惠和秘鲁的藤森庆子很早就开始继承家族政治事业：她们两人还在读书时就必须接替她们母亲的职责，担当起第一夫人。原因在于：朴瑾惠的母亲遭暗杀，藤森庆子的父母在其父亲任总统期间离婚。
　　Some political families seek to extend their authority by passing the presidency from husband to wife—a Latin American tradition extending at least as far back as Isabelita, Juan Perón’s third wife. Cristina Fernández took over Argentina’s presidency from her late husband Néstor Kirchner. Sandra Torres, now divorced from Guatemala’s president, ??lvaro Colom, wanted to run for his job. He was excluded by term limits—and the electoral authorities decided 22 that, as a close family member, albeit 23 a divorced one, so was she.
　　一些政客家族通过将总统职位从丈夫传向妻子的方法来寻求扩展他们的权利。拉丁美洲的一个传统至少早在胡安??庇隆的第三任妻子伊莎贝尔时就已经传开。克里斯蒂娜??费尔南德斯??基什内尔从其已故丈夫内斯托尔??基什内尔接过阿根廷的总统职位。为了竞选下一任危地马拉总统，桑德拉??托雷斯??德科洛姆已与总统阿尔瓦罗??科洛姆离婚。他因受到宪法条款限制被拒绝——选举委员会决定，她作为家庭成员，即使离婚后也不能进行竞选。
　　Perhaps the most powerful trend now boosting the influence of political daughters is the family need to tame—for electoral purposes—the authoritarian 24 character of fathers. Daughters seem to embody 25 their male relatives’ agenda—but with the rough edges planed away. A remarkable 26 number of today’s presidential contenders are daughters of strongmen: Ms Park in South Korea, Ms Le Pen in France, Peru’s Ms Fujimori, Zury Ríos Montt in Guatemala, Dariga Nazarbayeva in Kazakhstan. Ms Yingluck is a variation on the theme: on the campaign, she toned down her brother’s populism and made a virtue 27 of being untainted by his corruption 28. Alessandra Mussolini turns out to have been a trailblazer: the kinder, gentler face of fascism.
　　也许，现在助推政治家女儿的影响力最有力的趋势是——为了竞选目的——家族需要将父亲独裁者的个性变得更温顺。女儿们似乎将她们家族男性的责任都集于一身——但带来的结果却是磨平了棱角。如今的总统候选人中很大一部分是铁腕人物的女儿：韩国的朴瑾惠、法国的玛琳??勒庞、秘鲁的藤森庆子、危地马拉的Zury Ríos Montt、哈萨克斯坦的Dariga Nazarbayeva。英拉是该趋势的一个反例：在竞选中，她很少谈及她哥哥的平民主义，并且与他信的腐败问题也划清界限。亚历山德拉??墨索里尼被证实是一个先驱者：更加善良、更加优雅的法西斯主义。
　　John Knox, a 16th-century Calvinist, condemned 29 the governments of Queens Elizabeth and Mary (of Scots) as “this monstrous 30 regiment 31 [rule] of women”. The new generation of wives and daughters may perhaps improve upon their male forebears. But this is dynastic politics still—with the back-stabbing, family feuds 32 and lack of accountability that come with it.
　　17世纪的加尔文教徒约翰??诺克斯曾谴责伊丽莎白女王和玛丽的政府（苏格兰）是“对妇女的荒谬管辖（统治）”。新生代的妻子和女儿们也许在他们男性祖先的基础上有所改进。但这仍然是一个朝代的政治——伴随着背后中伤、家族斗争以及责任感的缺失同时出现。