【有声英语文学名著】战争与和平 Book 9（11）

Chapter 11 - An informal Council of War
 
Prince Andrey’s eyes were still following Pfuel out of the room when Count Bennigsen entered hurriedly, and nodding to Bolkonsky, but not pausing, went into the study, giving instructions to his adjutant as he went. The Emperor was following him, and Bennigsen had hastened on to make some preparations and to be ready to receive the sovereign. Chernyshev and Prince Andrey went out into the porch, where the Emperor, who looked fatigued 1, was dismounting. Marquis Paulucci was talking to him with particular warmth and the Emperor, with his head bent 2 to the left, was listening with a dissatisfied air. The Emperor moved forward evidently wishing to end the conversation, but the flushed and excited Italian, oblivious 3 of decorum, followed him and continued to speak.
“And as for the man who advised forming this camp — the Drissa camp,” said Paulucci, as the Emperor mounted the steps and noticing Prince Andrey scanned his unfamiliar 4 face, “as to that person, sire . . . ” continued Paulucci, desperately 5, apparently 6 unable to restrain himself, “the man who advised the Drissa camp — I see no alternative but the lunatic asylum 7 or the gallows 8!”
Without heeding 9 the end of the Italian’s remarks, and as though not hearing them, the Emperor, recognizing Bolkonsky, addressed him graciously.
“I am very glad to see you! Go in there where they are meeting, and wait for me.”
The Emperor went into the study. He was followed by Prince Peter Mikhaylovich Volkonski and Baron 10 Stein, and the door closed behind them. Prince Andrey, taking advantage of the Emperor’s permission, accompanied Paulucci, whom he had known in Turkey, into the drawing room where the council was assembled.
Prince Peter Mikhaylovich Volkonski occupied the position, as it were, of chief of the Emperor’s staff. He came out of the study into the drawing room with some maps which he spread on a table, and put questions on which he wished to hear the opinion of the gentlemen present. What had happened was that news (which afterwards proved to be false) had been received during the night of a movement by the French to outflank the Drissa camp.
The first to speak was General Armfeldt who, to meet the difficulty that presented itself, unexpectedly proposed a perfectly 11 new position away from the Petersburg and Moscow roads. The reason for this was inexplicable 12 (unless he wished to show that he, too, could have an opinion), but he urged that at this point the army should unite and there await the enemy. It was plain that Armfeldt had thought out that plan long ago and now expounded 13 it not so much to answer the questions put — which, in fact, his plan did not answer — as to avail himself of the opportunity to air it. It was one of the millions of proposals, one as good as another, that could be made as long as it was quite unknown what character the war would take. Some disputed his arguments, others defended them. Young Count Toll 14 objected to the Swedish general’s views more warmly than anyone else, and in the course of the dispute drew from his side pocket a well-filled notebook, which he asked permission to read to them. In these voluminous notes Toll suggested another scheme, totally different from Armfeldt’s or Pfuel’s plan of campaign. In answer to Toll, Paulucci suggested an advance and an attack, which, he urged, could alone extricate 15 us from the present uncertainty 16 and from the trap (as he called the Drissa camp) in which we were situated 17.
During all these discussions Pfuel and his interpreter, Wolzogen (his “bridge” in court relations), were silent. Pfuel only snorted contemptuously and turned away, to show that he would never demean himself by replying to such nonsense as he was now hearing. So when Prince Volkonski, who was in the chair, called on him to give his opinion, he merely said:
“Why ask me? General Armfeldt has proposed a splendid position with an exposed rear, or why not this Italian gentleman’s attack — very fine, or a retreat, also good! Why ask me?” said he. “Why, you yourselves know everything better than I do.”
But when Volkonski said, with a frown, that it was in the Emperor’s name that he asked his opinion, Pfuel rose and, suddenly growing animated 18, began to speak:
“Everything has been spoiled, everything muddled 19, everybody thought they knew better than I did, and now you come to me! How mend matters? There is nothing to mend! The principles laid down by me must be strictly 20 adhered to,” said he, drumming on the table with his bony fingers. “What is the difficulty? Nonsense, childishness!”
He went up to the map and speaking rapidly began proving that no eventuality could alter the efficiency of the Drissa camp, that everything had been foreseen, and that if the enemy were really going to outflank it, the enemy would inevitably 21 be destroyed.
Paulucci, who did not know German, began questioning him in French. Wolzogen came to the assistance of his chief, who spoke 22 French badly, and began translating for him, hardly able to keep pace with Pfuel, who was rapidly demonstrating that not only all that had happened, but all that could happen, had been foreseen in his scheme, and that if there were now any difficulties the whole fault lay in the fact that his plan had not been precisely 23 executed. He kept laughing sarcastically 25, he demonstrated, and at last contemptuously ceased to demonstrate, like a mathematician 26 who ceases to prove in various ways the accuracy of a problem that has already been proved. Wolzogen took his place and continued to explain his views in French, every now and then turning to Pfuel and saying, “Is it not so, your excellency?” But Pfuel, like a man heated in a fight who strikes those on his own side, shouted angrily at his own supporter, Wolzogen:
“Well, of course, what more is there to explain?”
Paulucci and Michaud both attacked Wolzogen simultaneously 27 in French. Armfeldt addressed Pfuel in German. Toll explained to Volkonski in Russian. Prince Andrey listened and observed in silence.
Of all these men Prince Andrey sympathized most with Pfuel, angry, determined 28, and absurdly self-confident as he was. Of all those present, evidently he alone was not seeking anything for himself, nursed no hatred 29 against anyone, and only desired that the plan, formed on a theory arrived at by years of toil 30, should be carried out. He was ridiculous, and unpleasantly sarcastic 24, but yet he inspired involuntary respect by his boundless 31 devotion to an idea. Besides this, the remarks of all except Pfuel had one common trait that had not been noticeable at the council of war in 1805: there was now a panic fear of Napoleon’s genius, which, though concealed 32, was noticeable in every rejoinder. Everything was assumed to be possible for Napoleon, they expected him from every side, and invoked 33 his terrible name to shatter each other’s proposals. Pfuel alone seemed to consider Napoleon a barbarian 34 like everyone else who opposed his theory. But besides this feeling of respect, Pfuel evoked 35 pity in Prince Andrey. From the tone in which the courtiers addressed him and the way Paulucci had allowed himself to speak of him to the Emperor, but above all from a certain desperation in Pfuel’s own expressions, it was clear that the others knew, and Pfuel himself felt, that his fall was at hand. And despite his self-confidence and grumpy German sarcasm 36 he was pitiable, with his hair smoothly 37 brushed on the temples and sticking up in tufts behind. Though he concealed the fact under a show of irritation 38 and contempt, he was evidently in despair that the sole remaining chance of verifying his theory by a huge experiment and proving its soundness to the whole world was slipping away from him.
The discussions continued a long time, and the longer they lasted the more heated became the disputes, culminating in shouts and personalities 39, and the less was it possible to arrive at any general conclusion from all that had been said. Prince Andrey, listening to this polyglot 40 talk and to these surmises 41, plans, refutations, and shouts, felt nothing but amazement 42 at what they were saying. A thought that had long since and often occurred to him during his military activities — the idea that there is not and cannot be any science of war, and that therefore there can be no such thing as a military genius — now appeared to him an obvious truth. “What theory and science is possible about a matter the conditions and circumstances of which are unknown and cannot be defined, especially when the strength of the acting 43 forces cannot be ascertained 44? No one was or is able to foresee in what condition our or the enemy’s armies will be in a day’s time, and no one can gauge 45 the force of this or that detachment. Sometimes — when there is not a coward at the front to shout, ‘We are cut off!’ and start running, but a brave and jolly lad who shouts, ‘Hurrah!’— a detachment of five thousand is worth thirty thousand, as at Schon Grabern, while at times fifty thousand run from eight thousand, as at Austerlitz. What science can there be in a matter in which, as in all practical matters, nothing can be defined and everything depends on innumerable conditions, the significance of which is determined at a particular moment which arrives no one knows when? Armfeldt says our army is cut in half, and Paulucci says we have got the French army between two fires; Michaud says that the worthlessness of the Drissa camp lies in having the river behind it, and Pfuel says that is what constitutes its strength; Toll proposes one plan, Armfeldt another, and they are all good and all bad, and the advantages of any suggestions can be seen only at the moment of trial. And why do they all speak of a ‘military genius’? Is a man a genius who can order bread to be brought up at the right time and say who is to go to the right and who to the left? It is only because military men are invested with pomp and power and crowds of sychophants flatter power, attributing to it qualities of genius it does not possess. The best generals I have known were, on the contrary, stupid or absent-minded men. Bagration was the best, Napoleon himself admitted that. And of Bonaparte himself! I remember his limited, self-satisfied face on the field of Austerlitz. Not only does a good army commander not need any special qualities, on the contrary he needs the absence of the highest and best human attributes — love, poetry, tenderness, and philosophic 46 inquiring doubt. He should be limited, firmly convinced that what he is doing is very important (otherwise he will not have sufficient patience), and only then will he be a brave leader. God forbid that he should be humane 47, should love, or pity, or think of what is just and unjust. It is understandable that a theory of their ‘genius’ was invented for them long ago because they have power! The success of a military action depends not on them, but on the man in the ranks who shouts, ‘We are lost!’ or who shouts, ‘Hurrah!’ And only in the ranks can one serve with assurance of being useful.”
So thought Prince Andrey as he listened to the talking, and he roused himself only when Paulucci called him and everyone was leaving.
At the review next day the Emperor asked Prince Andrey where he would like to serve, and Prince Andrey lost his standing 48 in court circles forever by not asking to remain attached to the sovereign’s person, but for permission to serve in the army.