西方应修补与土耳其的关系

 　　Next week Joe Biden, US vice-president, visits Turkey, a Nato country whose relations with the west are in deep crisis following July’s botched coup 1. A vast majority of Turkish people believe, rightly or wrongly but nonetheless firmly, that Washington was complicit with the plotters. If it was not involved, the argument goes, the reclusive Islamic cult 2 leader Fethullah Gulen — accused of masterminding the coup — could not continue to live peacefully, undisturbed by the US justice system in rural Pennsylvania. The EU is likewise criticised for failing to show solidarity 3 in the wake of the military’s attempt to depose 4 the democratically elected government.

　　美国副总统乔?拜登(Joe Biden)将要访问土耳其。在7月土耳其发生未遂政变后，这个北约(Nato)国家和西方的关系陷入了深切的危机。不论是对是错，绝大多数土耳其人深信华盛顿和政变策划者串通。按照这种观点，如果美国没有参与其中，隐居的伊斯兰教另类教派领袖费特胡拉?居伦(Fethullah Gulen)——他被指是此次政变的幕后黑手——就不可能继续在美国宾夕法尼亚州乡间平静地生活，不受美国司法系统打扰。欧洲也因为未能在军队企图推翻民选政府后向土耳其展现出团结而遭到批评。
　　The community of western nations needs to reassure 5 Turks of its enduring friendship, and of its commitment to Turkey’s future within that community. That is the only way to counter swelling 6 anti-Americanism and alienation 7 from the west.
　　西方阵营需要安抚土耳其人，让他们相信西方的持久友谊以及西方对于土耳其作为这个阵营一分子的未来的承诺。这是反制土耳其国内高涨的反美情绪和对西方的疏离感的唯一途径。
　　The pro-western elements within this nation — one that is ever more essential to the west as a strategic ally — sorely need this reassurance 8 to combat the atmosphere of accusation 9 and disenfranchisement that could harm Turkey’s transatlantic relations. The task for Washington and Brussels, therefore, is to rebuild trust.
　　土耳其日益成为西方不可或缺的战略伙伴，这个国家的亲西方群体迫切需要这样的安抚，以对抗可能损害土耳其同西方关系的指责与失落的气氛。因此，华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的任务是重建信任。
　　For Washington the key to doing that will be formally to initiate 10, sooner rather than later, the process of extradition 11 for Mr Gulen requested by Ankara. It is clear that a political decision by the White House will not be sufficient to achieve this goal. The administration of President Barack Obama has said it would require credible 13 evidence to comply with any such request, and that such a request should go through a judicial 14 review. Nonetheless the administration can choose to ease the tension in bilateral 15 relations by initiating 16 the judicial process and supporting, as a matter of principle as well as a foreign policy objective, the extradition request.
　　对华盛顿来说，重建信任的关键是尽早正式启动安卡拉所要求的引渡居伦的程序。显然，白宫的政治决定并不足以实现这一目标。巴拉克?奥巴马(Barack Obama)总统的政府已经表示，需要可信的证据才能响应这样的请求，而这样的请求会经过司法审查。尽管如此，奥巴马政府可以选择启动司法程序，并且从原则和外交政策目标角度支持引渡请求，从而缓解双边关系的紧张。
　　For the EU, the formula is more complex. Brussels should first devise a diplomatic response to show solidarity with the Turkish body politic 12. Despite the apparent reluctance 17 of individual EU leaders to meet President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a visit by a representative delegation 18 of the European Parliament would still be welcomed.
　　对欧盟来说，解决方案更加复杂。布鲁塞尔应该首先构思一种外交回应来表现出与土耳其人民的团结。尽管欧盟领导者个人明显不情愿与土耳其总统雷杰普?塔伊普?埃尔多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)会面，但欧洲议会(European Parliament)代表团出访土耳其仍将是一件可喜的事情。
　　For the medium term, however, European and Turkish policymakers should seek to develop a new, more constructive 19 European narrative 20 for Turkey. The time has come to do away with the pretence 21 that accession remains 22 a realistic option for the foreseeable future; it is leading to acrimony rather than convergence. Since the coup, criticism of Ankara — justified 23 as it may be — on the grounds of its status as an EU candidate carries no weight.
　　然而，从中期来看，欧洲和土耳其政策制定者应该寻求为土耳其建立一种新的、更具建设性的欧洲叙事。是时候放弃有关土耳其在可预见的将来加入欧盟仍然是一种切实可行选择的假装了；这种假装正在导致恶语相向，而不是一体化。在土耳其发生未遂政变后，把土耳其当作欧盟候选国来批评安卡拉——无论批评本身有没有道理——没有任何份量。
　　EU influence over Turkish affairs remains of mutual 24 benefit — but a more realistic goal is needed to keep this critical relationship alive. The country’s recent history proves influence from Brussels can create a virtuous 25 cycle of reform and democratic progress.
　　欧盟对土耳其事务的影响力仍是互惠互利，但各方需要一个更加现实的目标来维持这层关键关系。土耳其近期历史证明，来自布鲁塞尔的影响力有助于营造一种改革和民主进步的良性循环。
　　Ideally the new framework would complement 26 the accession track and not replace it. The refugee package — whereby Turkey accepts refugees who have reached Europe in exchange for funding and the prospect 27 of access to EU visas — has been successful in stemming the flow of incomers and should be a core component 28. More advanced economic integration 29, improved co-operation on counter-terrorism and closer co-ordination of policies towards the common neighbourhood, including Syria and the wider Middle East, could be other defining features of this renewed relationship.
　　理想情况下，新框架应该补充土耳其入欧轨道，而非取而代之。由土耳其收容抵达欧洲的难民，以换取欧盟资金和免签证待遇的难民方案，成功地遏制了进入欧洲的人流，应该作为新框架的核心组成部分。更进一步的经济一体化、加强反恐合作、加强协调针对共同周边地区（涵盖叙利亚乃至整个中东地区）的政策，可以作为这种新关系的其他关键特征。
　　Washington and Brussels should now move to preserve liberal democracy in Turkey and to consolidate 30 Turkey’s western vocation 31. Their apathy 32 in the face of an existential danger barely contained by Turkish democracy is doing the exact opposite.
　　华盛顿和布鲁塞尔现在应该采取行动保住土耳其的自由民主制度，并巩固土耳其的西方定位。它们在土耳其民主政体勉强挫败一个生死存亡的危险时表现出来的冷漠，正在起到反作用。