VOA常速英语2007年-In Somalia, Presence of Ethiopian Troops Fuels

The end of 2007 will mark the one-year anniversary of an Ethiopia-led offensive that ousted 1 Somalia's Islamist movement from power and helped install a secular 2 interim 3 government in its place. As VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu in our East Africa Bureau in Nairobi reports, the military action sparked a proxy 4 war and an Iraq-style insurgency 5 that have plunged 6 Somalia into what the United Nations now calls the worst humanitarian 7 crisis in Africa.

Following Ethiopia's swift military victory over militiamen from Somalia's Islamic Courts Union in late December 2006, western nations urged Somalia's transitional federal government to initiate 8 a genuine, broad-based national reconciliation 9 process that could help end 16 years of war and lawlessness.

The United States, eager to keep radicals 11 within the Islamic courts from making a political comeback, was especially vocal 12 in calling for Somalia's internationally recognized-but-weak interim government to quickly work toward establishing grassroots support.

During a January press conference in the Kenyan capital Nairobi, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer said the United States expected Somalia's transitional federal government leaders to do their best to heal and unite the country.

"We have made clear that we see a role in Somalia for all who renounce 13 violence and extremism," said Jendayi Frazer. "Over the course of the last few days, I have encouraged the leadership to make clear through statements and actions their commitment to an inclusive process of dialogue and reconciliation. They should start with reconciliation amongst themselves."

Somalia's transitional federal government was formed in 2004, largely among rival factional leaders who had kept the country without a functioning government since 1991. By 2006, the transitional government was isolated 14 in the provincial 15 town of Baidoa, with the Islamic Courts Union having taken over most of south and central Somalia.

Many ordinary Somalis agreed that the transitional government, installed in the Somali capital Mogadishu in January 2007, would have to show unity 16 and an ability to work together to gain public trust and confidence.

But soon after top government leaders took power in Mogadishu, clan 17 divisions worsened as officials jockeyed for power and control over Somalia's finances, resources, and infrastructure 18.

At the same time, some of the ousted Islamic Courts leaders and other Somalis opposed to Ethiopia's intervention 19 moved to Eritrea, Ethiopia's arch-rival in the region. In the Eritrean capital Asmara, they began forming an opposition 20 with the backing of Eritrean President Issaias Afeworki.

The Asmara opposition group joined militant 21 Somali Islamists in denouncing the transitional government and its chief backer, Ethiopia, which left tens of thousands of troops in Somalia to protect the fragile government.

The opposition vowed 22 to fight the interim government until all Ethiopian troops leave Somalia.

In an interview with VOA earlier this year, a Somali political consultant 23 working with the transitional government, Ali Abdullahi, said he was concerned that the Ethiopian presence in Somalia was damaging the credibility of the government.

"The biggest challenge is the Ethiopian presence in Somalia," said Ali Abdullahi. "They need to be replaced constructively 24 by African Union forces. The time frame should be as quickly as possible."

The Ethiopian government in Addis Ababa had pledged to withdraw its troops once a full contingent 25 of 8,000 peacekeepers from the African Union arrived in Somalia to take over security duties.

But by March, only 1,500 soldiers from Uganda were deployed 26. Meanwhile, a full-blown, Iraq-style insurgency against the government and Ethiopia ignited in Mogadishu.

The rising insecurity deterred 27 other African Union members from contributing troops to the peacekeeping mission.

Militant Islamic fighters supported by disgruntled members of Mogadishu's most dominant 28 clan, the Hawiye, targeted Somali government officials, security forces and Ethiopian troops almost daily with mortars 29, rocket-propelled grenades, roadside bombs, and suicide attacks.

In response, the Ethiopian army conducted house-to-house searches for insurgents 31 and weapons, and counter-attacked with tank fire on insurgent 30 strongholds in heavily populated areas of the city.

Somali security forces made mass arrests and shut down businesses with clan ties to Islamists. They harassed 32 journalists and media organizations, accusing them of siding with insurgents.

Meanwhile, a report issued in July by a U.N. monitoring group fueled fears that Somalia had become an Ethiopia-Eritrea war by proxy. The report accused Eritrea of secretly shipping 33 weapons, including surface-to-air missiles, to radical 10 Islamists in Somalia. Eritrea denied the report.

In a July interview with VOA, a Mogadishu resident, who identified himself as Nur, said many in the capital blamed the interim government and Ethiopia, not Eritrea, for causing chaos 34 and suffering.

"Most of the people see the insurgents as freedom fighters," said Nur. "The problem of the government is that they might want to secure peace. But, on the other hand, they are creating more problems, more insecurity."

The violence in Mogadishu has killed and wounded thousands of civilians 35, and by November, more than one million Somalis had fled their homes.

The United Nations now believes that the conflict, combined with severe droughts and floods in other regions of the country, has created a humanitarian crisis that surpasses the disaster in the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan.

A Horn of Africa researcher for the London-based Amnesty International human rights group, Martin Hill, adds that the situation in Somalia has something in common with Darfur: allegations of widespread human rights violations 36 by all sides in the conflict.

"The question of war crimes was documented by Human Rights Watch," said Martin Hill. "But very recently, the U.N. Secretary General's new representative for Somalia mentioned that these were crimes that could be investigated by the International Criminal Courts. The crimes we are talking about are killing 37 of civilians, which are arbitrary and disproportionate, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial executions, and disappearance 38 of civilians."

The Washington Post newspaper reported earlier this month that a debate is taking place among decision makers 39 in the Bush administration about whether to remain committed to Somalia's transitional federal government or to find another way to stabilize 40 Somalia and the region.